Women’s labor is a fundamental and frequently undervalued factor in Canadian history. This essay aims to highlight the crucial role that women played in the settler colonial economy of Canada, a subject that has historically received little attention in historical discourse. We examine how their labor shaped early Canada’s economic environment in home domains and emerging industries. This paper’s thesis asserts that women’s contributions were essential but underappreciated catalysts for settler Canada’s economic growth despite being hindered by cultural expectations and financial obligations. The following critical questions are at the heart of our investigation: How did women’s labor affect the settler-colonial era’s economic structures? What views about women’s labor were in general, and how did these views shape women’s roles and opportunities? By addressing these issues, the article aims to redefine women’s place in the economic narrative of early Canadian society and offer a thorough knowledge of women’s labor in a historical context.
The historical context of women’s employment in Canada, especially between the 1920s and the 1940s, was molded by a complex interaction between commercial and social variables. A detailed description of this period is given by Brand (1994), who points out a pivotal moment during World War II when women were forced into factory employment, a field that had not previously been open to them. Because of the war’s demands and the resulting labor shortages, women’s roles in society underwent a significant shift at this time. In elaborating on this shift, the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives (2016) shows how women’s responsibilities in the workforce have expanded and contracted based on economic necessity. These changes in women’s employment reflected broader alterations in society’s views of women’s roles in the workforce and at home, in addition to reactions to short-term economic pressures. As a result, this period marks a crucial turning point in the history of women’s employment in Canada, indicating a slow but steady redefining of gender roles and setting the stage for later developments in women’s rights and workplace equality.
The case study of Black women’s labor, as examined by Collins (1990) in “Black Feminist Thought,” compellingly illustrates the story of women’s work in a historical context. In addition to highlighting Black women’s particular difficulties, this study captures general patterns in the history of women’s labor. Collins highlights Black women’s historical experiences with both racial and gender discrimination, an issue that is relevant to more significant trends of marginalization in the workforce. Similarly, Linthicum’s (2014) examination of immigrant women working in California’s workforce highlights the persistent theme of women being driven into particular labor sectors—often under challenging circumstances—by economic necessity. These case studies show how a combination of social, economic, and political variables have changed women’s labor, especially among underrepresented groups. Together, they illustrate the ongoing injustices and problems that have shaped the history of women in the workforce while emphasizing the agency and resiliency these women have shown in the face of these obstacles.
A comparative study of women’s working conditions across Canada’s early labor history shows significant differences in the experiences of various groups. Patrias (2016) offers a perceptive analysis of the working conditions in Canada’s Niagara region’s fruit and vegetable sector between 1880 and 1945. This study sheds light on the gendered and racialized aspects of labor, where women—especially those from racial minorities—were frequently assigned to jobs that were seen as less critical than housekeeping duties. This reflects both structuralized discrimination in society and financial exploitation. These women’s income, roles in society, and working conditions were notably worse than those of their male counterparts, demonstrating a pronounced racial and gender-based hierarchy in the labor sector. On the other hand, Parr’s (1987) analysis offers an alternative viewpoint on a Canadian hosiery town from 1919 to 1950. This example illustrates how women’s positions in the workforce were entwined with their familial responsibilities by focusing on the integration of work and kinship. These women’s working conditions differed significantly from the colored labor in the Niagara region, even though they experienced different social and economic demands. These opposing situations highlight how different the intricate interactions between class, race, and gender have influenced women’s labor histories in Canada.
To continue the comparative examination, Sangster (1995) describes the working conditions of wage-earning mothers in post-war Ontario. This is not the same as the racist labor in Canada’s Niagara region that was previously addressed. In “A Diversity of Women: Ontario, 1945–80,” Sangster delves into the difficulties encountered by women who balanced parenthood with earning a living between 1945 and 1970. These women managed to reconcile the job demands with their responsibilities as mothers while navigating a distinct set of social norms and financial constraints. Due to shifting gender roles and the state of the economy, this era saw a dramatic change in how society viewed working mothers. Conversely, White (1993) talks about women’s role in union action, emphasizing what they are doing to fight for equal rights and better working conditions. Many women’s working conditions were improved, and gender inequalities were mainly contested thanks to this advocacy. Comparing these groups sheds light on women’s diverse experiences in the workforce: union activists were establishing the foundation for more extensive structural change, while Ontario’s wage-earning mothers were changing the standards of motherhood and work. Both organizations contributed substantially to developing women’s positions in the Canadian labor force within their respective contexts.
Young women were significantly impacted by the early industrial settings and working circumstances, affecting their short-term health and well-being, their long-term social standing, and employment prospects. The University of Rochester (2013) sheds light on the broader ramifications of these workplaces, highlighting that women’s struggles in the profession reflect more significant societal trends rather than merely personal problems. This viewpoint is essential to comprehending how young women’s lives were impacted by the early industrial labor circumstances, frequently marked by long hours, low pay, and lax health and safety regulations. In order to go deeper into this topic, Waring’s (1988) groundbreaking book “If Women Counted: A New Feminist Economics” makes the case that historically, traditional economic institutions and policies have undervalued women’s labor, especially in these early industrial settings. Long-lasting effects of this undervaluation included limiting women’s economic freedom and social roles, as well as perpetuating gender inequality. Thus, these early work environments impacted young women’s immediate health and financial security and established societal attitudes and regulations about women’s employment, the consequences of which may still be seen in modern labor markets.
Women’s employment and societal responsibilities have significantly been impacted by the attitudes and expectations surrounding maternity, which frequently set boundaries for how women manage their personal and professional lives. The intersections of gender, disability, and cultural norms are discussed by McRuer (2006) in “Crip Theory: Cultural Signs of Queerness and Disability,” offering a perceptive look at how these intersections affected women’s roles, especially parenting. Women’s job options were often restricted, and their aspirations in the workplace were stifled by the traditional idea that motherhood should be a woman’s primary responsibility. Using personal narratives, Moyer (1993), in her “Step-by-Step Guide to Oral History,” sheds additional light on this topic by showing how societal expectations surrounding parenting influence women’s experiences and decisions. These stories provide a moving look at the individual effects of cultural standards on women’s lives, emphasizing the frequently unsaid compromises and agreements women had to make to manage jobs and parenting. Collectively, these pieces highlight the significant impact of societal perceptions on women’s employment and motherhood, illuminating the intricate web of expectations that women have had to manage throughout history.
Reading through Unit 1 provides a thorough grasp of the nuances and complexity of women’s labor throughout history. Collins’s 2000 reexamination of “Dark Women’s activist Thought” provides an essential framework for comprehending the connections between sex, race, and gender in women’s labor. Her analysis sheds light on the intriguing labor struggles and successes of Black women, and it is particularly relevant to the essay’s suggestion on the unique roles and experiences that women have in documented work environments. In “Imperceptible Work,” Daniels (1987) expands on this viewpoint by discussing the labor that women accept but often go unrecognized—especially in family and caregiving responsibilities. Understanding the idea of “undetectable work” is essential to understanding how women’s obligations in public and private settings have historically been restricted and devalued by society norms. Furthermore, the 2016 FemNorthNet study “How Colonialism Influences Ladies” provides an important perspective on the specific effects of colonialism on women’s business, especially in the Canadian context. This resource advances our knowledge of the real-world context of women’s work by providing a fundamental lens through which to evaluate the link between sex and colonialism. These pieces support the paper’s introduction by providing a thoughtful analysis of the real flow of women’s labor and its recommendations for society.
The supplementary investigations for this composition augment our comprehension of women’s labor by unveiling significant motifs and contrasting perspectives. In her analysis published in “Working Families: Age, Gender, and Daily Survival in Industrializing Montreal,” Bradbury (1993) emphasizes the crucial role of spouses in extending and controlling family income. This study clarifies women’s frequently underappreciated economic contributions in family environments, especially in the context of industrializing nations. Bradbury’s work challenges traditional narratives that undervalue women’s financial intelligence by highlighting their economic savvy and tenacity in managing restricted resources. In contrast, Berlatsky (2014) raises the question of whether sex work should be recognized as legal labor in “Thinking of Sex Work as Work” in The Atlantic. By incorporating professions that are sometimes disregarded and stigmatized but still significantly impact the lives of many women, this viewpoint broadens the conversation about women’s labor. Berlatsky’s paper, which supports the legalization and oversight of sex work, advances a broader perspective on women’s employment. The study above findings expands upon the issues and views discussed in this essay by providing a deeper understanding of the numerous roles that women have played in many economic realms.
In conclusion, this examination of women’s labor has shed light on the complex and dynamic roles that women have played throughout Canada’s social and economic history. It has done so by building on the thorough analysis offered by Light and Parr in “Canadian Women on the Move, 1867–1920” (1983). The several research and viewpoints covered in this essay have highlighted women’s critical but frequently overlooked contributions in various fields and eras. In addition to upending conventional narratives, this exploration of women’s employment history raises fresh concerns about the evolving nature of the workplace, gender roles, and societal norms. The history of women’s labor has shaped our perception of the past and influenced current and future perspectives on labor, gender, and social structures. This is becoming increasingly evident as we look back on the past.
References
Berlatsky, N. (2014, February 18). Thinking of sex work as work. The Atlantic. Retrieved from https://www.theatlantic.com/health/archive/2014/02/thinking-of-sex-work-as-work/283843/
Bradbury, B. (1993). Managing and stretching wages: The work of wives. In Working Families: Age, gender, and daily survival in industrializing Montreal, pp. 152–181. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart.
Brand, D. (1994). “We weren’t allowed to go into factory work until Hitler started the war”: The 1920s to the 1940s. In P. Bristow (Ed.), We’re rooted here and they can’t pull us up: Essays in African Canadian women’s history, pp. 191191. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives. (2016). The best and worst places to be a woman in Canada 2016: The gender gap in Canada’s 25 biggest cities. Retrieved from https://www.policyalternatives.ca/sites/default/files/uploads/publications/National%20Office/2016/10/Best_and_Worst_Places_to_Be_a_Woman2016.pdf
Collins, P. H. (1990). Black feminist thought: Knowledge, consciousness, and the politics of empowerment. Boston: Unwin Hyman. Retrieved from http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/45a/252.html
Collins, P. H. (2000). Black feminist thought: Knowledge, consciousness, and the politics of empowerment (2nd ed.). New York: Routledge.
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FemNorthNet. (2016). How colonialism affects women. Ottawa: Canadian Research Institute for the Advancement of Women. Retrieved from http://fnn.criawicref.ca/images/userfiles/files/LWM4_ColonialismWomen.pdf
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Linthicum, K. (2014, September 3). Nearly 1 in 10 California workers is in country illegally, study finds. Los Angeles Times. Retrieved from http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-new-immigrants-california-economy-XXXXX-story.html
McRuer, R. (2006). Crip theory: Cultural signs of queerness and disability. New York: Temple University Press
Moyer, J. (1993). Step by step guide to oral history. Retrieved from http://dohistory.org/on_your_own/toolkit/oralHistory.html#INTRO
Parr, J. (1987). Rethinking work and kinship in a Canadian hosiery town, 19191950. Feminist Studies, 13(1), 137–162.
Patrias, C. (2016). More menial than housemaids? Racialized and gendered labour in the fruit and vegetable industry of Canada’s Niagara region, 1880–1945. Labour/Le Travail, 78, 69.
Sangster, J. (1995). Doing two jobs: The wageearning mother, 194570. In J. Parr (Ed.), A diversity of women: Ontario, 194580, pp. 98134. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
University of Rochester. (2013). Men are from Earth, women are from Earth. Retrieved from https://www.rochester.edu/news/show.php?id=5382
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White, J. (1993). Sisters and solidarity: Women and union (Administration. The exchange of contact information is prohibited on the platform. If you are trying to send the project details, reach out to our 24/7 support for assistance.)
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