Part A: Categorizing Sweden’s parental leave policy
The great parental leave policy, introduced in Sweden in 1974, should be shared equally between couples. It should, therefore, entitle both men and women to work as a team. However, Savage (2024) hypothesizes that this revolutionary policy is a constant work in progress and has become more advanced over the years. Currently, parents in Sweden have a legal right to 480 days off work, with the state paying their salaries. Noteworthy, these 90 days are designed to be individual for each parent, generating a “use-it-or-lose-it” system (Savage, 2024). This is a system that drives both parents to participate actively in childcare.
Such a policy is consistent with Lijphart’s (1999) consensus model of democracy that accentuates executive power-sharing in broad multiparty coalitions, proportional representation, and a corporatist interest group system (p.2). Furthermore, Sweden’s parental leave is part of the social democratic welfare regime mentioned in Blank et al. (2017), which is characterized by universalism in social welfare and tax policies, high levels of social spending and taxation, and the promotion of gender equality and work-life balance (p.3). Through the provision of a state-sponsored benefits package that is guaranteed for every parent, irrespective of whether they are employed or how much they are earning, the Swedish parental leave policy becomes an example of the universalistic and egalitarian values that characterize the social democratic welfare model (Blank et al., 2017, p. 3).
Part B: Egalitarianism in the Parental Leave Policy
The Swedish parental leave policy is based on egalitarianism, giving fathers and mothers equal rights and allowing them to share parental responsibilities (Savage, 2024). The policy seeks to level the playing field for all parents, regardless of gender or economic status, through workplace gender equity and a tax-supported system (Savage, 2024). This egalitarianism is at the heart of Swedish society, known for its good social welfare system and emphasis on equality (Blank et al., 2017, p. 4). Despite egalitarian goals, the policy has problems and limitations. Even when they promote equality, welfare policies can divide society (Dodds, 2018, p. 210). In Sweden, women still take most parental leave, demonstrating that traditional gender roles and norms still affect childcare distribution (Savage, 2024). Additionally, fathers from lower-income and immigrant families are less likely to use all of their paternity leave (Savage, 2024).
Additionally, as Lijphart (1999) states, consensus democracies such as Sweden may end up with policy gridlocks because of the need to address the conflicting interests of coalition parties (p.34). In some cases, this may block the implementation of other improvements directed at the more distributive nature of parental leave policy. For instance, some political parties may favor introducing more flexibility and choices regarding how parents can use parental leave. In contrast, others may propose equal leave days between parents (Savage, 2024). Achieving the balance between the opposing parties can be tough, and even a country that is so dedicated to equality as Sweden can slow the change down.
Part C: Increased usage of parental leave over time
Eventually, more Swedish men can take leave. According to Savage (2024), 18% of fathers who had children in 2017 failed to utilize their parental leave allowance, much lower than the early policy’s paternity leave non-users. Worker, business, and government collaboration in Sweden is a major driver of this change. Steinmo (2010) states that key actors’ symbiosis and historic compromise are the main factors that foster social trust and cooperation (p.32). Sweden’s parental leave policy is successful due to the increased participation of women in the labor force, work-family balance, economic development, and sustainability. However, changing social values and goals have increased parental leave use. Blanket al. (2017) claim that work-life equality became popular in the last decade (p.13). Changing gender roles and fatherhood standards accompanied the cultural shift from the 1960s to the 1970s (Savage, 2024). This has made fatherhood acceptable and expected, so more men are taking parental leave.
Policy transfer and diffusion have also encouraged curiosity and adoption of family-friendly policies like Sweden’s parental leave policy. Sweden’s policies have inspired many nations (Dodds, 2018, p.23). In 2018, ILO issued a work-life balance convention. This agreement legitimized parental leave worldwide. Thus, more parents know about and use this benefit. Despite the increase in parental leave, there are still barriers to its growth. Demographic pressure and global competition are Sweden’s main challenges, including an aging population and increased elderly care demand, according to Steinmo (2010). With declining birth rates and the need to compete globally, parenthood benefit budgets are under pressure. Lijphart (1999) also claims that multiple veto points and institutional inertia may hinder consensual democracy reforms in Sweden (p. However, this may slow change and prevent the introduction of more liberal measures to increase parental leave uptake.
References
Blank, R. H., Burau, V., & Kuhlmann, E. (2017). Comparative health policy. Bloomsbury Publishing.
Dodds, A. (2018). Comparative public policy. Bloomsbury Publishing.
Lijphart, A. (1999). Patterns of democracy: Government forms and performance in thirty-six countries. Yale university press.
Steinmo, S. (2010). The evolution of modern states: Sweden, Japan, and the United States. Cambridge University Press.
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