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Activism and Its Impact on Policing Black Lives


Activism and agitation in the 21st century is an essential aspect as it shows that while the level of technology has improved over the last 200yrs, some fundamental elements remain the same. Activism for equal rights has a critical history in slavery even though human rights ratification has occurred for more than 50 yrs. (Maynard, 2017). While captivity was legitimately eliminated almost two centuries ago, Canada’s legacy of regulating Black bodies was reunited strongly in the criminal justice organization (Simpson Walcott & Coulthard, 2018). The setup of the criminal justice system seeks to punish indigenous and black communities severely while white privilege is practiced for white individuals.

Law implementation officials, prisons and penitentiaries, the courts, and parole panels, play a progressively momentous role in the “managing” of Black inhabitants in Canada that have, as somewhere else, been made nonrefundable. It has led to discrimination directed at indigenous and black communities, which faced a critical point with the agitation of Black Lives Matter and idle no more. Understanding the need for such action is essential as it dictates the underlying reason for such activism (Maynard, 2017). Black individuals in Canada face hostile police shadowing making it challenging to occur in public spaces. Such discrimination has increased in the recent past and goes beyond class.

Black lives matter, and idle no more

The disparity in treatment by the police constitutes a small percentage of the system’s approach toward black communities. Black folks are more expected to be stopped and interrogated, and more likely than the general populace to be charged, severely condemned, and imprisoned in confinements or penitentiaries, and are less likely to be offered parole. The economic relegation and desertion of Black societies have acted in correspondence to the expansion of the scope of racialized observation and punishment across the criminal justice scheme (Maynard, 2017). It impacts the monitoring of Black life while helping an financial function, that is, the suppression of relegated

The idle no more and Black Lives Matter movements made inroads in agitating for the fundamental rights of blacks and women, emphasizing the observance of individual rights and the need to speak out about discrimination. While there were longer antiquities of struggle for self-determination and being, and address trans local connectivity, but particularly deprived of using the language of grouping (Simpson Walcott & Coulthard, 2018). The blatant disregard for black lives by the police created a breaking point that most activists could no longer keep quiet. Each, for their motives, rejects grouping thinking in favor of procedures of critical thought arising from antiquities of confrontation with which they are recognized: the radical Black institution, Nishnaabeg intelligence, and Indigenous renaissance more commonly.

Institutionalization of discrimination

Simpson proposes a compelling substitute to grouping in the image of “assemblages of co-resistance. The institutionalization of discrimination has been advanced against blacks and indigenous groups in the recent past, which has led to different kinds of Indigenous resistance. Canadians thought of resistance through protest, of mass mobilization, since that is recognizable to them, often because it means they cannot physically ignore disruption (Maynard, 2017). The Idle No More movement is a movement that originated out of 400 years of resistance. Idle No More is only the latest mass enlistment noticeable to white Canada. In the fall of 2012 and the winter of 2013, Indigenous disruption was something white Canada could no longer ignore.

The movement’s presence in shopping malls, intersections, social media feeds, and nightly news served an essential point in ensuring that their presence was felt across different spheres. The participation in the movement and the approach to understanding the aftermath of Indigenous mobilization and organizing is critical in informing future endeavors. It shows that Idle No More as a coalition of the diversity of people within the Indigenous community (Simpson Walcott & Coulthard, 2018). The mobilization of people and the resultant protests were due to the need for omnibus bills brought in by the Harper government changed. There were concerns about social conditions on reserves, especially in the North.

Activism and its impact on society

The element of treaty rights is recognized and affirmed by the Canadian state, where some activists work on Missing and Murdered Indigenous Females, Girls, and Two-Spirit Individuals, and others as lifelong organizers concerned with environmental issues. These are groups of people interested in Indigenous resurgence, aiming to impact youth leaders and elders (Maynard, 2017). The uptake of regular people as individuals who deeply care for the land, families, and communities is an essential element of activism. From such a perspective, the overall approach to participation in such a movement is to share some fundamental understanding of the impact of the four interventions, mostly about what was learned and what is needed to be done differently.

Such movements are building steps critical in all activities, particularly ensuring that an easy shortcut exists in the age of the internet. A fundamental level wonders how the internet – as another construction of control whose main determination is to make establishments money – is helpful in the program-building segment (Simpson Walcott & Coulthard, 2018). The simulated worlds of the internet are simulations that serve only to amplify entrepreneurship, misogynism, transphobia, anti-eccentricity, and white sovereignty and create further dependances on settler expansionism in the physical world. Its no wonder if this creates further alienation from oneself, Indigenous thought and practices, and the Indigenous material world.

Racialization of crime

It shows that the system has racialized crime where protectors of the status quo argue that Blacks are not unfairly reported, controlled, and imprisoned due to their race but because they are, in fact, more probable to do illegal activities than whites. In applying such systemic thinking, more and more blacks continue to face discrimination at the hand of police and other institutions, including the courts (Simpson Walcott & Coulthard, 2018). As an ahistorical lens, the vast racial inequalities across the criminal justice arrangement are an indication not of racism but evidence of the commonness of Black delinquency. It is a view that the high rates of Black convicts are viewed as just, if possibly unlucky.

While it is not false that the rates of blacks within the prison system are enormous, there is the aspect of a discriminatory approach that seeks to imprison the black community and ensure that they are forever controlled (Maynard, 2017). By controlling the males within the community, it is possible to ensure that the whole community is curtailed, with only a small percentage making it in life. It sends an important message to the community about life and reduces the expectations of the whole community and individuals about life prospects. These are some of the issues that Black Lives Matter seeks to highlight and fund a lasting solution to, most importantly is to ensure that the system is aware of the need for change.

Criminalization of blackness

The seemingly rational consideration of the high number of Black incarceration dates back four hundred years in Canada, an essential consideration of the level of discrimination and racism applied to blacks over the years. The pedigree of modern imprisonment and policing begins in the era of oppression and establishment and remains long after the abolition of slavery (Maynard, 2017). Indeed, the captivity ships embodied detention at its most dangerous, aided to prefigure Black imprisonment in recent times. Racialized investigation stems from centuries prior to the abolition of slavery which shows the level criminalization of blackness.

Therefore, the public associations between blackness and crime are traced back to runaway slave announcements in the seventeenth century, when self-liberated Blacks faced portrayal as burgles and convicts. It impacted the free and enslaved people as subject to the observance of a great white public and law administration bureaucrats, getting organized to scrutinize the presence of Black bodies in public planetary as perhaps criminal “escapees (Simpson Walcott & Coulthard, 2018). Although there was an aspect of change in the slavery’s elimination period, the relations between blackness and lawbreaking served indispensable party-political, societal, financial, and enlightening purposes.


Such functions maintained the racial directive, and blackness’s ongoing observation and regulation led to the corresponding wildly disproportionate arrest and incarceration rates. It is fundamental to understand that the impact of such systemic discrimination that continues to be felt today is quintessential in Canada’s late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. While articulated through a slightly different language, these associations with blackness remain markedly unchanged, which necessitated the activism and agitation that has been occasioned by Black Lives Matter and idle no more to point out systemic and institutionalized racism that exists.


Maynard, R. (2017). Policing Black lives: State violence in Canada from slavery to the present. Fernwood Publishing.

Simpson, L. B., Walcott, R., & Coulthard, G. (2018). Idle no more and black lives matter: an exchange (panel discussion). Studies in Social Justice, 12(1), 75-89.


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