Introduction
The relations between the EU-Caribbean and the UK-Caribbean have a historical, economic, and political nexus that moulds the dynamics of cooperation and challenges within the region. The Caribbean Community (CARICOM) is a regional grouping of 15 member states and five associate member states established in 1973. CARICOM faces several development and security challenges, including economic vulnerability, climate change, transnational crime, and natural disasters (Canton & Helen, 2021). This paper seeks to explore the dense interplay between the EU or UK and the Caribbean within the context of post-Brexit dynamics and seeks to illustrate how in-depth these relations are, how, theoretically, with the application of an International Relations (IR) theory lens, these relations can be unpacked. Thus, through the prism of an IR theory, this study will seek to unravel the underlying power dynamics, norms, and institutions that will shape the development and security landscape of the Caribbean region.
International Relations Theory
International relations (IR) theories present several perspectives on relations between states and, by extension, other players in the international system. Realism holds that the motivation of states is primarily directed towards their self-interest, power, and security, eventually leading to an internationally competitive and anarchic environment (Canton & Helen, 2021). Liberalism emphasizes international institutions’ cooperative, interdependent, and sometimes constitutive roles in encouraging peaceful and prosperous relations among states. Constructivism investigates what ideas, norms, and identities shape state behaviour and international outcomes.
Within this context of development and security challenges in the post-Brexit era for the CARICOM region, Liberalism provides a pertinent base on which to analyze EU-Caribbean or UK-Caribbean relations. Thus, Liberalism, which is characteristically concerned with cooperation, interdependence, and institutions, seems tailor-made to be the theory that best explains the dynamics of the EU or UK vis-à-vis the Caribbean (Dunne et al., 2021). Against this background, the present paper aims to explore how liberal principles mould policies and relations between the EU or UK and CARICOM states, on the other hand, to focus on the potential for cooperative solutions to the region’s challenges.
Analysis of EU-Caribbean or UK-Caribbean Relations
When one applies a liberal lens in assessing the nature of relations between the EU or UK and the Caribbean, therein is an interplay of cooperation and shared interests but also with some sense of competition. Economic interdependence, democratic governance, and support for human rights have been cardinal or central to the tenets of Liberalism guiding EU or UK engagement with the Caribbean (Byron & Jessica, 2019). The EU Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) and development assistance programs, in combination with the UK Commonwealth attachments and historic links, register attempts aimed at cooperation and mutual advantage.
It also brings to the fore some limitations; however, as seen in challenges like the impact of Brexit on UK-Caribbean relations, it creates divergent interests on issues like migration and climate change, resulting in tensions aggravated by trade imbalances. In doing so, the work manages to identify the scope and the limits that liberal principles pose toward EU-Caribbean or UK-Caribbean relations, together with tracing the potential for cooperation and constraints imposed by power dynamics and structural inequalities in the international system (Byron & Jessica, 2019).
Development and Security Challenges Faced by Caricom Countries
The Caribbean Community (CARICOM) countries have different development challenges, including economic vulnerability, poor infrastructure, and susceptibility to natural calamities brought about by climate change, among others. The EU-Caribbean or UK-Caribbean relations have tried to mend these rifts through development help, trade agreements, and technical help programs (Lincoln et al., 2021). However, the effectiveness of these efforts is often hindered by unequal power dynamics and structural constraints. On the other hand, while EU development aid benefits sustainable development and poverty reduction in the Caribbean, its trade agreements, like the EPA, have drawn criticism as potential threats to region-related damage because they might undermine local industries and deepen dependence. Equally, a question about UK-Caribbean post-Brexit relations has been raised, such as whether development assistance would continue and the consequence of new trade arrangements for these countries.
The CARICOM region faces various security challenges, including drug trafficking and transnational crime, natural disasters, and the drastic effects of climate change (Griffith &Lloyd, 2022). Relations of the European Union (EU) with the Caribbean and those of the United Kingdom (UK) with the Caribbean serve as bridges toward achieving these obstacles. Security initiatives, like the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative (CBSI), whose objective is to fight crime and strengthen border security, have, in various ways, been supported with financial and technical assistance from the EU.
Moreover, EU development assistance often involves institution building and good governance to yield long-term regional security. Equally, the UK has historical security cooperation interests with the Caribbean, especially through UK Overseas Territories Security and Stabilization program initiatives (Griffith &Lloyd, 2022). However, Brexit has cast a shadow of doubt on the future of UK security engagement in the region, which could, Of course, define the dynamics of relations between the EU and the UK in addressing or exacerbating the said security challenges, crafting appropriate responses to safeguard the stability and prosperity of the region is very important.
Evaluation and Critiques
The strength of utilizing Liberalism in analyzing EU-Caribbean or UK-Caribbean relations is that it gives a key framework in the light of the cooperation and interdependence approaches between the actors in matters concerning economic and political activities. It highlights institutions and norms’ roles in shaping cooperative efforts and underlines possible mutual benefits. But at the same time, Liberalism, too, has certain vulnerabilities. It might overlook power imbalances and structural asymmetries conditioning the outcomes of relations, hence an overly optimistic assessment of cooperation (Cullum & Rob, 2021). Moreover, it is the state-centric focus of Liberalism that might result in non-state regional actors and, indeed, grassroots movements being muffled in their ability to shape regional dynamics.
However, the analysis is likely to be a limitation, as it oversimplifies the intricacies of EU-Caribbean or UK-Caribbean relations. While Liberalism has much that is valuable to say, its ideas are rather unconvincing in capturing the subtleties of power, historical legacies, and cultural factors that might affect it. Most significantly, this leads the approach to the risk of paying attention to each Caribbean state’s interests and priorities, which might need to converge and, therefore, even further regional cooperation difficulties (Griffith &Lloyd, 2022). Focusing on the EU or UK is bound to take away from the bigger picture, which situates the two in the broad geopolitical context and realm of influence by such giants as the US, China, and international financial institutions.
Second, alternative theories to IR, such as constructivism and critical theory, might all be valuable for bringing additional insights into EU-Caribbean or UK-Caribbean relations. Because of its interest in norms, identities, and ideational factors, constructivism can shed light on the historical narrative and cultural values that impact regional dynamics. More precisely, a critical theory focusing on power relations and structural inequalities might help to unravel a more nuanced analysis of some drivers at the bottom of some of the relations with the Caribbean—e.g., colonial legacies and neocolonial dynamics. This would enable further research with more theoretical perspectives to pull a more holistic understanding of the multiplicities within EU-Caribbean or UK-Caribbean relations (Lincoln et al., 2021).
Post-Brexit, the cooperation and complexity of the relations, challenges, and uncertainty for the future will remain of the utmost importance for both EU-Caribbean and UK-Caribbean relations. However, while such initiatives as aid for economic development and cooperation for security seek to amicably solve shared concerns, in contrast, at the same time, there is a very clear continued intrinsic power of relations and structural inequalities. From the liberal perspective, therefore, the above analysis found the opportunities for cooperative solutions and the limitations, which are always dished out by divergent interests and historical legacies. Therefore, moving forward, the approach of cooperation must be more inclusive and equitable in dealing with the underlying disparities in powers by ensuring real involvement, more so through grassroots participation, in handling the region’s development and security challenges.
References
Byron, J. (2019). relations with the European Union and the United Kingdom post-BrEXiT: perspectives from the Caribbean. Études caribéennes, (42). https://journals.openedition.org/etudescaribeennes/14705
Canton, H. (2021). Caribbean Community—CARICOM. In The Europa Directory of International Organizations 2021 (pp. 471–477). Routledge. https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edit/10.4324/9781003179900-73/caribbean-community%E2%80%94caricom-helen-canton
Cullum, R. (2021). Comparing Australian/South Pacific and UK/Caribbean relations. The Round Table, 110(4), 492–509. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00358533.2021.1957228
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Lincoln Lenderking, H., Robinson, S. A., & Carlson, G. (2021). Challenges and strategies include climate change and food security in developing states in the Caribbean small island. International Journal of Sustainable Development & World Ecology, 28(3), 238–245. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13504509.2020.1804477
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