Introduction
Peacebuilding is vital in societies emerging from the aftermath of conflict, aiming to establish sustainable peace and promote reconciliation. It is a long-term process that focuses on ensuring long-lasting peace in societies post-conflict. Conflicts cause tremendous effects on diverse groups in a society. These diverse groups need to be involved in peacekeeping efforts for all-round healing and attaining long-term peace. Mazuerana notes that peacebuilding is an inclusive approach to conflict resolution that helps to provide long-term solutions to broken societal bridges.[1]. In the process, the role of gender is vital since the participation of each gender and their voices affect the length and legitimacy of peacebuilding processes as the negotiations and agreements affect both genders.
After the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, the country has gone through a remarkable recovery where both males and females have played critical roles in the reconciliation process. In contrast, Mali has faced a protracted conflict since 2012 characterized by political instability, inter-communal tensions, and armed groups. Both countries provide unique contexts for examining the role of gender in peacebuilding. Understanding Rwanda and Mali’s historical context and resultant gender-related post-conflict initiatives, successes, and challenges are essential for comprehending the specific gender dynamics in peacebuilding processes. This will, in turn, inform future peacebuilding efforts in diverse post-conflict societies around the globe.
Gender and Peacebuilding in Rwanda
The mass killings in 1994, which primarily targeted the Tutsi ethnic group, led to the deaths of hundreds of thousands, and millions of people were displaced. The nature and gravity of the genocide in Rwanda made it seem almost impossible to attain peacebuilding in the country. Nevertheless, after such violence, the Rwandan government began a far-reaching compromise process to heal past wounds and pave the way for peace and long-time cooperation.[2]
In 1996, to address the main gender issues, the Commission for the Advancement and Security of Common Liberties (CIPRODEH) was established, and the commission paved the way for more inclusive policies.[3] Specifically, CIPRODEH urged the Rwandan government to develop techniques that guarantee women’s rights in politics, the economy, and society and condemned violence and discrimination based on gender. In addition to developing national policies to protect women from violence and discrimination based on gender, Rwanda ratified several international treaties to advance gender equality. The development in participation of women in Rwanda’s political spheres is known globally of women’s participation in political spheres in Rwanda is very well-known. In 2017, statistics showed 61.3% of women in Rwanda’s parliament.[4]. The representation of women in Rwanda in government and parliament has exceeded the 60% mark in the past.
Rwanda can be considered a model in terms of the participation of women in political processes, peace processes, and the establishment of a solid and peaceful democratic society. Women have been given a vast opportunity in the rebuilding of Rwanda post-genocide. The fact that women have had up to 50% involvement in parliament highlights women’s role in peacebuilding. As members of parliament, they are taking part in the various post-conflict and reconciliation processes. Women in and out of leadership have been directly involved in activities such as combining mechanisms such as community dialogue, truth and compromise commissions, and reconstruction of legal procedures. These initiatives aimed to help people and communities affected by the genocide heal, encourage accountability, and foster dialogue. Therefore, acknowledging efforts to achieve reconciliation is essential since gender dynamics, in particular, are considered in genocide-ravaged societies.
Women’s Contribution to Peacebuilding in Rwanda
In Rwanda, women have been significant contributors to reconciliation that has seen the country through recovery from the 1994 genocide. They have been participating in various peacebuilding platforms in the community and government.in the political arena, women are the current parliament majority and represent their communities in decision-making.[5] Having most women involved in peacebuilding has made Rwanda progress in its conflict resolution status compared to other African nations. Several studies have noted that women’s empowerment in Rwanda has been symbolic within Africa, where several countries are still straggling to appreciate the role of women in decision making.[6]. They have advocated for equity and eliminating gender-based violence by formulating policies that minimize social and gender-based discrimination. Consequently, they have improved the county’s status for peaceful coexistence. Therefore, Rwanda is a perfect reference when assessing the role of gender in peacebuilding.
The Obstacles and Benefits of Gender-Based Peacebuilding Initiatives
The role of women in reconciliation and peacebuilding in Rwanda is facing several limitations. Rwanda is a developing country. Hence, the government needs more funds to support all its programs; the attitude towards women is still a societal concern, making some women-based initiatives lack adequate social support. For example, although women have the highest representation in the parliament, they have yet to be considered for administrative positions limiting their participation in the execution of gender-based administrative policies.[7]. The underrepresentation of women in the Rwandan cabinet has significantly limited the fight against gender equity at workplaces resulting in an imbalance in economic distribution within the society.
The government has formulated several laws and policies that counter gender-based violence and social discrimination in response to the limiting factors. For example, in 2003, they launched the Women’s Desk, an agency mandated to address gender-related issues. The body has addressed women’s concerns by formulating policies ensuring social equity. In 2006, the government introduced the Ministry for Gender and Family Promotion (MIGEPROF) to demonstrate that they are ready to listen to gender-based concerns and increase women’s participation decision making9. Moreover, Rwanda has been putting much effort into promoting women’s participation to promote human rights and enhance reconciliation within various social groups. Through the implementation of gender quotas, the country has managed to bring women together and enhance their participation in peacebuilding.[8].
Therefore, Rwanda’s extensive and devoted efforts to building peace with a gender focus show other post-conflict nations the transformative power of integrating gender perspectives to achieve long-term peace, development, and gender equality. Addressing the obstacles requires more women to be involved in high-profile positions to enhance their economic power and allow them to exercise their ability in peacebuilding and fight for gender equity. The country needs to support women to rise to top positions in government and make them significant participants in making critical financial decisions.
Gender and Peacebuilding in Mali
Since 2012, Mali has been grappling with diverse conflicts that have resulted in violence, loss of lives, and livelihoods, including armed conflicts. The conflicts in Mali have continually escalated. For instance, the proliferation of conflict by Islamic armed groups in Central Mali and Northern Mali led to the death of more than 200 civilians and resulted in the loss of homes to thousands.[9]. The disputes between the Bambara, Dogon, and Pastoral Peuhl communities over access to land and water, which were once without shedding of blood, now result in bloodshed. The execution of dozens of people by Islamist armed groups spreading from northern to Central Mali and the indiscriminate planting of explosives has resulted in a society characterized by violence, loss, and chaos. The extent of violence and conflicts in Mali has been widespread.
The government of Mali, national agencies, and international organizations have put various efforts towards peacebuilding in the country. The efforts include criminal investigation of abuses, protecting vulnerable communities, and disarming abusive self-defense groups in some regions. Nevertheless, Mali has been grappling with significant challenges in integrating gender perspectives into peacebuilding efforts. Due to ongoing conflict, political instability, and the influence of armed groups, the nation has made slow progress toward gender equality and women’s empowerment. Additionally, discrimination and violence against women have improved somewhat in Mali. Given that women are particularly defenseless, they are often exploited and abused during conflicts.
Mali’s formal peacebuilding efforts and vital decision-making have been left to men. There have been few attempts to include women in peace talks and decision-making in Mali. There needs to be higher women’s participation in formal peace procedures, with their voices often marginalized or excluded altogether. This is unlike the progressive perspective continually accepted in most post-conflict contexts. The exclusion not only perpetuates gender inequalities but also overlooks the valuable insights and contributions that women can bring to peacebuilding. The vulnerable groups in conflicts ought to have a say in decision-making and peacebuilding interventions relating to conflicts they have been part of. Notably, the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 is an example of a response to the understanding of the place of women’s inclusion in peacebuilding. The legitimacy of peacebuilding efforts and their longevity are influenced by inclusion.
Further, peacebuilding encompasses developing equitable institutions and eliminating discrimination and inequalities that foster conflicts. Patriarchal societies in most African countries like Mali impede women’s participation in vital decision-making on matters affecting society. Even with progressive improvement in the number of women taking representative seats in government, women lack the same power as men. Societies have failed to understand women’s place and potential contributions as victims of violence, discrimination, and other uncertainties women encounter. Where part of the root causes of conflict is discrimination and inequality, and the parties affected are not involved, achieving cohesion in the long term is an uphill task.
Despite being on the receiving end of the effects, the low representation of women in conflict and post-conflict decision-making indicates the laxity in men to share power with women, reducing the potential of achieving peacebuilding. Nevertheless, while Mali has not ratified the CRPD, women’s rights are protected through general legislation prohibiting violence against women and domestic violence. Therefore, despite the ongoing difficulties and limits, Mali must keep striving for significant integration efforts in peacebuilding based on gender perspectives, perceiving the fundamental role that women can play in molding a more comprehensive, impartial, and practical peace for the nation.
The inclusion of women in peacebuilding in Mali is facing several obstacles. The current political instability in the country caused by the patriarchal society and the armed forces activities has made the political situation unbearable for women to find opportunities at the decision-making table.[10]. However, the government has been making various efforts to promote social inclusion in political decisions by advocating for the right of women and addressing gender-based violence.[11]. In 2012, the government created the Public Activity Plan of Mali, which was mandated to advocate for the role of gender in the country’s reconciliation process. Through the plan, the government has prioritized addressing gender-based violence and creating opportunities to listen to the voice of women. Moreover, in 2019, the country adopted the National Action Plan (NAP), which would be operational till 2023. The plan focuses on the incorporation of all gender in government and the post-conflict recovery process. The plan allows civil society to fight for inclusivity in all government decision-making processes where women are the main focus.
Besides, there is a need for further reforms toward increasing the participation of women and inclusion in peacebuilding processes in Mali to foster the positive strides taken so far. To enhance gender-inclusive peacebuilding in Mali, there is a need for sustained political commitment and dedicated resources.[12] Therefore, by focusing on supported political responsibility, distributing committed assets, and engaging both women and men in gender-comprehensive peacebuilding endeavors, a more equitable and peaceful society for everyone can be created in Mali. Therefore, by focusing on supported political responsibility, distributing committed assets, and engaging both women and men in gender-comprehensive peacebuilding endeavors, a more equitable and peaceful society for everyone can be created in Mali.
Comparative Analysis
The fact that part of the conflicts in Mali is ethnic-based, as the conflict leading to the Rwanda genocide, justifies the use of Rwanda as a comparative case study for Mali. As noted, both countries have appreciated the role of gender in peacebuilding, albeit to different extents—norms, and stereotypes of gender influence peacebuilding. Men are seen as fighters in conflicts, and women as fighters for peace. By incorporating both genders and allowing them to participate in decision-making concerning peacebuilding, the women get a chance to foster their peace fighting, which will open up peacebuilding opportunities.
The approaches to gender in Rwanda and Mali peacebuilding exhibit similarities and differences. While both countries have recognized the importance of addressing gender dynamics in post-conflict reconstruction, their specific strategies and outcomes vary. In Rwanda, gender integration in peacebuilding has been a priority. Gender quotas have been enacted to ensure that the government includes women in political decision-making.[13] Women have effectively participated in peacebuilding drives, adding to compromise and post-struggle recreation.
Through the implementation of different legal reforms, the Rwandan Government has solved several gender-based related issues resulting in a positive outcome in the influence of women on political platforms. Although the move has significant challenges, it has been a landmark demonstration for support of peacebuilding within the society. Contrarily, Mali has yet to place much effort in promoting women’s participation in the country’s political process. Most policies advocating for gender equity are ineffective in the post-conflict era.[14]. The country is still struggling to address the cultural norms that deny women the chance to participate in decision-making. The fight between the government and the armed groups has consistently exposed the country to political instability, with limited opportunities created for reconciliation and peacebuilding. However, the government of Mali is working on the involvement of women in peace-making through The Malian Peace Process Agreement, which gives women the right to be involved in the reconciliation process. Similarly, the National Action Plan (2019-2023) of Mali advocates for women’s inclusivity in the political process.
Conclusion
The aftermath of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda and the current political situation in Mali are significant in demonstrating the importance of gender inclusivity in peacebuilding. Women have played a significant role in ensuring a practical reconciliation in Rwanda despite the challenges limiting their participation in decision-making. However, in Mali, the processes for the engagement of women in decision-making still need to be more effective. However, Mali can facilitate women’s inclusivity and involve them in peace and reconciliation. The success of Rwanda reflects hope for Mali and another conflict, given its chaotic conflict background. Deliberate efforts for the inclusion of women in peacebuilding could achieve this. Despite international efforts, the escalating conflict in Mali could be mitigated by inclusion.
Bibliography
Burnet, Jennie E. “Women Have Found Respect: Gender Quotas, Symbolic Representation, and Female Empowerment in Rwanda.” Politics & Gender 7, no. 3 (September 2011): 303–34. https://doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x11000250.
Chauzal, Grégory, and Zoë Gorman. “‘Hand in Hand’: A Study of Insecurity and Gender in Mali.” SIPRI, December 1, 2019. https://www.sipri.org/publications/2019/sipri-insights-peace-and-security/hand-hand-study-insecurity-and-gender-mali.
Di Caro, Claire Bradford. “Call It What It Is: Genocide through Male Rape and Sexual Violence in the Former Yugoslavia and Rwanda.” Duke Journal of Comparative & International Law 30, no. 1 (December 3, 2019): 57–91. https://scholarship.law.duke.edu/djcil/vol30/iss1/2/.
ECOWAS CEDEAO. “Peace and Security Experts Want Mali’s Government to Stay Focused on Inclusive National Dialogue and Reconciliation Initiatives | Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS),” 2019. https://ecowas.int/peace-and-security-experts-want-malis-government-to-stay-focused-on-inclusive-national-dialogue-and-reconciliation-initiatives/.
Flaherty, Maureen P. Gender and Peacebuilding: All Hands Required. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2015.
Hebert, Laura A. “‘Women Run the Show’?: Gender Violence Reform and the ‘Stretching’ of Human Rights in Rwanda.” Journal of Human Rights 14, no. 1 (January 2, 2015): 23–40. https://doi.org/10.1080/14754835.2014.886944.
Hudson, Heidi. “Peacebuilding through a Gender Lens and the Challenges of Implementation in Rwanda and Côte D’Ivoire.” Security Studies 18, no. 2 (June 12, 2009): 287–318. https://doi.org/10.1080/09636410902899982.
Human Rights Watch. “‘We Used to Be Brothers’ – Self-Defense Group Abuses in Central Mali,” December 7, 2018. https://www.hrw.org/report/2018/12/07/we-used-be-brothers/self-defense-group-abuses-central-mali.
Hunt, Swanee. “The Rise of Rwanda’s Women: Rebuilding and Reuniting a Nation.” Foreign Affairs 93, no. 3 (2014): 150–56. https://www.jstor.org/stable/24483414.
King, Régine Uwibereyeho . “What I Have Learned about Healing, 25 Years after Living through Genocide in Rwanda.” Open Canada, April 6, 2019. https://opencanada.org/what-i-have-learned-about-healing-25-years-after-living-through-genocide-rwanda/.
Lode, Kåre. “Civil Society Takes Responsibility Popular Involvement in the Peace Process in Mali,” 1997. https://www.prio.org/download/publicationfile/477/Lode%20(1997)%20Civil%20Society%20Takes%20Responsibility%20(PRIO%20Report%205-97).pdf.
Mazurana, Dyan E, Angela Raven-Roberts, and Jane Parpart. Gender, Conflict, and Peacekeeping. Lanham, Md: Rowman & Littlefield, 2007.
OECD. “Engaging with Men and Masculinities in Fragile and Conflict-Affected States.” OECD Development Policy Papers 17 (March 15, 2019). https://doi.org/10.1787/36e1bb11-en.
Paffenholz, Thania, Andreas Hirblinger, Dana Landau, Felix Fritsch, and Constance Dijkstra. “Preventing Violence through Inclusion: From Building Political Momentum to Sustaining Peace.” Inclusive Peace, 2017. https://www.inclusivepeace.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/report-preventing-violence-through-inclusion-en.pdf.
Reilly, Niamh. “Seeking Gender Justice in Post-Conflict Transitions: Towards a Transformative Women’s Human Rights Approach.” International Journal of Law in Context 3, no. 2 (June 2007): 155–72. https://doi.org/10.1017/s1744552307002054.
Reyntjens, Filip. Political Governance in Post-Genocide Rwanda. New York, N.Y.: Cambridge University Press, 2014.
Speake, Beth. “A Gendered Approach to Peacebuilding and Conflict Resolution.” E-International Relations, February 11, 2013. https://www.e-ir.info/2013/02/11/a-gendered-approach-to-peacebuilding-and-conflict-resolution/.
[1] Dyan E Mazurana, Angela Raven-Roberts, and Jane Parpart, Gender, Conflict, and Peacekeeping (Lanham, Md: Rowman & Littlefield, 2005).
[2] OECD, “Engaging with Men and Masculinities in Fragile and Conflict-Affected States,” OECD Development Policy Papers 17 (March 15, 2019), https://doi.org/10.1787/36e1bb11-en.
[3] Thania Paffenholz et al., “Preventing Violence through Inclusion: From Building Political Momentum to Sustaining Peace” (Inclusive Peace, 2017), https://www.inclusivepeace.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/report-preventing-violence-through-inclusion-en.pdf.
[4]
[5] Niamh Reilly, “Seeking Gender Justice in Post-Conflict Transitions: Towards a Transformative Women’s Human Rights Approach,” International Journal of Law in Context 3, no. 2 (June 2007): 155–72, https://doi.org/10.1017/s1744552307002054.
[6] Maureen P. Flaherty, Gender and Peacebuilding: All Hands Required (Lanham: Lexington Books, 2015).
[7] Laura A. Hebert, “‘Women Run the Show’?: Gender Violence Reform and the ‘Stretching’ of Human Rights in Rwanda,” Journal of Human Rights 14, no. 1 (January 2, 2015): 23–40, https://doi.org/10.1080/14754835.2014.886944.
[8] Heidi Hudson, “Peacebuilding through a Gender Lens and the Challenges of Implementation in Rwanda and Côte D’Ivoire,” Security Studies 18, no. 2 (June 12, 2009): 287–318, https://doi.org/10.1080/09636410902899982.
[9]The violence in Mali is getting bloodier, but religion is not necessarily at its root | The Broker (the broker online. eu)
[10] Swanee Hunt, “The Rise of Rwanda’s Women: Rebuilding and Reuniting a Nation,” Foreign Affairs 93, no. 3 (2014): 150–56, https://www.jstor.org/stable/24483414.
[11] Filip Reyntjens, Political Governance in Post-Genocide Rwanda (New York, N.Y.: Cambridge University Press, 2014).
[12] Régine Uwibereyeho King, “What I Have Learned about Healing, 25 Years after Living through Genocide in Rwanda,” Open Canada, April 6, 2019, https://opencanada.org/what-i-have-learned-about-healing-25-years-after-living-through-genocide-rwanda/.
[13] ECOWAS CEDEAO, “Peace and Security Experts Want Mali’s Government to Stay Focused on Inclusive National Dialogue and Reconciliation Initiatives | Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS),” 2019, https://ecowas.int/peace-and-security-experts-want-malis-government-to-stay-focused-on-inclusive-national-dialogue-and-reconciliation-initiatives/.
[14] Grégory Chauzal and Zoë Gorman, “‘Hand in Hand’: A Study of Insecurity and Gender in Mali,” SIPRI, December 1, 2019, https://www.sipri.org/publications/2019/sipri-insights-peace-and-security/hand-hand-study-insecurity-and-gender-mali.
write