Millions of men and women in the US experience abuse from intimate relationships each year, making domestic violence a widespread issue. Family and spousal violence affect roughly 10 million people yearly in the US, making it a common problem. Domestic violence affects up to one out of four women as well as one out of nine men (Huecker & Smock, 2022). It is crucial for law enforcement to respond to these circumstances to protect victims and punish offenders responsibly. Domestic abuse response by law enforcement has a long history that is both full of achievements and difficulties. Family violence was once frequently considered a private affair between partners, and police officers were reluctant to step in. Nonetheless, activists were successful in their efforts to amend the law, so that police officers had to make arrests of abusers when there was probable cause in the 1980s and 1990s (Gordon, 2022). It was an essential step in tackling family abuse because it made perpetrators liable and made it clear that this kind of behavior would not be allowed.
The police continue to prioritize their reaction to domestic violence. Around 350 family violence practitioners or non-police personnel who deal directly with domestic violence victims were polled for this examination to get their opinions on the services provided to victims. About 63% of respondents said that after the release of the initial study in 2014, the police’s response to domestic abuse has improved. A very encouraging fifth believed there had been a noticeable difference. In the broader framework of protecting vulnerable individuals, police commanders continue to place a high priority on combating domestic violence.
When there is domestic violence, police are frequently the first to arrive. They are equipped with the knowledge and skills to evaluate the situation, provide rapid aid, and, if required, make arrests. When there is reason to think that a domestic violence offense has been perpetrated, police officers are required by law to make an arrest. Holding the abuser responsible and protecting the victim are the objectives. There have been occasions, though, where police personnel have been accused of treating instances of domestic violence improperly, neglecting to apprehend abusers, or ignoring the victims’ complaints.
Despite these legal changes, law enforcement officials may still take various actions when responding to domestic violence incidents. While other cops could be more assertive, making an arrest and evicting the abuser from the house, some officers might be less inclined to do so or would discount the victim’s worries. Personal prejudices, departmental rules, and the intensity of the abuse are only a few causes of this. Law enforcement personnel contribute their perspectives, morals, and prejudices to their profession like any other human being. This may affect how individuals view and react to instances of domestic abuse. Also, the regulations and procedures used by various law enforcement organizations to handle domestic abuse cases may differ. Some departments could offer more in-depth instruction about handling certain situations, while others might have laxer or contradictory rules.
Officers may occasionally react more violently if the abuse is thought to be more drastic or life-threatening. Officers might be more inclined to make an arrest, for instance, if the victim has apparent wounds or if there is proof that a weapon was used. In addition, if the victim is reluctant or declines to file a complaint, cops could be less inclined to arrest any required arrest laws that may be in place. Officers may find themselves in a challenging situation due to balancing the victim’s autonomy and duty to bring abusers responsibly.
Although sexual and domestic violence is a serious public health concern, they are frequently underreported in the US, especially in metropolitan settings. Women who had suffered IPV or SV were questioned as part of research in Baltimore, Maryland, to understand why they might not have reported the incident to the police. According to the findings, racial and gender-based injustices overlap at the structural and local levels, discouraging citizens from reporting crimes to the police (Decker et al., 2019). Power imbalances, the perception that the police were unconcerned, the worry that the police would harm them, and victimization were all structural effects. However, community social norms opposed calling the police and imposed harsh penalties on those who did.
For Black women, the tension between anticipating unfair damage to their spouse from an excessive and ethnically biased cops’ reaction and feeling helpless in the face of a legal system that did not prioritize IPV/SV was a peculiar problem. To improve IPV/SV access to justice, the study emphasizes the necessity to address historically pervasive race prejudice in the court system and the historical discounting of assault against females (Decker et al., 2019). A social determinants paradigm might aid in understanding these difficulties and achieving more equal outcomes for survivors.
In their work, Garza and colleagues (2021) argue that institutional responses to IPV against Latina women must be analyzed from a LatCrit perspective, recognizing the intersections of racial, social identities, ethnicity, and gender in comprehending experiences of injustice and prejudice. While Latina women encounter high rates of IPV, the author points out that because of their immigration status, language limitations, and other cultural considerations, they frequently face extra obstacles to receiving help and resources. The paper examines how the criminal justice system responds to IPV against Latina women, stressing how these reactions can compound existing imbalances and continue to foster injustice (Garza, 2021). They contend that a LatCrit viewpoint can aid in identifying and challenging the institutional underpinnings that cause IPV and obstruct access to assistance and services. This viewpoint may also advance therapies that are attentive to cultural context and suited to the particular requirements of Latina women who encounter IPV.
Compared to white people, research has found that Black, Indigenous, and African-American individuals are less likely to obtain proper assistance and resources after suffering family abuse. They include institutional racism, a lack of cultural competency by care providers, and prejudices and preconceptions regarding BIPOC populations, among other things. Moreover, those with lower socioeconomic status are more likely to encounter domestic abuse but may also encounter more difficulties getting help and resources. These might include having trouble getting about, having insufficient funds to leave abusive partners, and having restricted access to resources like healthcare and other services. Further, illegal people could encounter more difficulties receiving assistance and support because they worry about being deported or suffering other legal repercussions. They may find it challenging to get assistance or report abuse. Last but not least, those who identify as LGBTQ+ may have particular difficulties while looking for assistance and services after suffering domestic abuse, such as stigma and prejudice from law enforcement and trouble locating inclusive and welcoming resources.
Cultural sensitivity, trauma-informed treatment, and an intersectional perspective to supporting victims of domestic abuse must be prioritized by professionals and enforcement agencies if these inequities are to be addressed. This entails offering services that are both linguistically and culturally relevant, fostering environments that are safe and accepting of LGBTQ+ people, and working to remove structural barriers that lead to response discrepancies. Politicians and activists may also try to eliminate the structural inequality and poverty that are the primary causes of domestic violence to encourage more fair and just responses.
Anecdotal evidence from the COVID-19 pandemic suggests that travel constraints connected to the epidemic may have made domestic violence during that time one of the most common instances of sexual identity violence in emergency circumstances. This study aimed to compare family abuse event information from police statistics in Atlanta, Georgia, prior to and after COVID-19 to determine any variations (Evans et al., 2020). To examine Part I offense patterns from 2018 to 2020, the Atlanta Police Department gathered crime data for thirty weeks. As reported to the APD, there was an increase in Part I domestic offenses during 2020 compared to weeks 1-31 of 2018 and 2019.
Moreover, trendlines indicate that family violence counted in 2020 rose at about the same rate as those recorded in the preceding epidemic. After local and governmental directives to shelter in place, a rise in domestic offenses was observed. Family abuse appears to occur more frequently, as seen by the rise in overall domestic offense numbers from the COVID-19 timeframe of 2020 to the two years prior. In the U. S., there is currently a time of racial justice crisis. The co-occurring outbreaks of COVID-19 and family abuse disproportionately affect Black, People of Color, and Indigenous.
For instance, in some places, law enforcement officials may be subject to obligatory arrest laws that compel them to conduct an arrest once they have solid evidence of domestic abuse. In some states, police may be obliged to arrest unless they witness the violence or if they think the victim is in immediate danger. For teachers, in case of witnessing or suspecting child abuse, they must report it to the necessary authorities; this also depends on the state’s law. Teachers may occasionally be required to file reports of possible exploitation of elderly or disabled adults or other vulnerable adults. Moreover, similar to the health practitioners. Depending on their state’s regulations, healthcare professionals and psychological health experts might have varied reporting responsibilities. In certain jurisdictions, these experts may be obligated to notify police officers or child protective services of any suspected domestic abuse. Still, they may not be compelled to do so in others unless they feel the victim is in urgent danger.
The efficiency of law enforcement’s reaction to domestic violence might vary. There are worries about the possible harmful effects on victims, even while arrests and criminal charges can provide victims with a feeling of justice and make offenders answerable for their deeds. A case in point is when victims hesitate to notify the police because they fear the abuser will retaliate if they make an arrest. Also, the fear of losing control of the situation, as police forces and prosecutors ultimately decide whether to file charges and take legal action. Furthermore, victims could experience extra pressure to give testimony because of how slow and uncertain the judicial system can be. Law enforcement’s reaction may also be influenced by the victim’s color, racial background (Fischel-Wolovick, 2021), gender identity, and financial background, with minority people frequently encountering institutional prejudices and obstacles when seeking assistance.
The value of preventative and educational initiatives to address the underlying roots of family abuse and encourage healthy relationships is becoming increasingly understood. This covers activities that support awareness, training, citizen intervention on a societal level, and initiatives for kids and young people.
Models for Coordinated Community Response: To provide a better integrated and victim-centered approach to domestic abuse, these strategies incorporate coordination between law enforcement, judiciary, victim advocates, and other key stakeholders. It has been discovered that CCR models successfully lower the rate of repeat victimization and raise victim safety. The Duluth model is one illustration. A little municipality in northern Minnesota called Duluth has been at the forefront of developing strategies to hold domestic abusers responsible and protect victims since the early 1980s (Papamichail & Bates, 2019). The “Duluth Model” is a constantly changing manner of considering how a community may come together to stop domestic abuse.
Recognizing the effects of trauma on people’s emotional, physical, and psychological health, several groups and institutions have introduced trauma-informed ways to work with family violence survivors. This method entails offering services in a manner that is accepting, empowering, and mindful of the individual perceptions and necessitates of the survivor (CDC, 2019). The CDC created a website to assist states and societies in utilizing the top accessible research to stop domestic abuse, empower survivors, and decrease long-term and short-term consequences.
The Duluth Model, used in several nations, including Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, is a collaborative community reaction model that entails cooperation between law enforcement, prosecutors, human rights activists, and other key stakeholders to provide a more cohesive and victim-centered response to family abuse. The seriousness of the domestic violence crisis and the requirement for measures to tackle it have been amply demonstrated by survey studies and examinations of police files, medical emergency departments, and women’s shelters. The United States has developed court-ordered batterer intervention programs as a critical strategy to deal with this issue. These programs are currently being used in Canada and Europe (Wilson et al., 2021). These initiatives sprang out of the women’s refuge movement, giving rise to initiatives with a significant feminist bent, such as the Duluth Model. The created initiatives were cohort and included psychoeducational techniques. By educating men on different ways to deal with their emotions, they hoped to persuade men to own up to their sexist attitudes and stop hurting their partners.
References
CDC. (2019). Prevention strategies|intimate partner violence|violence prevention|injury center|cdc. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. https://www.cdc.gov/violenceprevention/intimatepartnerviolence/prevention.html
Decker, M. R., Holliday, C. N., Hameeduddin, Z., Shah, R., Miller, J., Dantzler, J., & Goodmark, L. (2019). “You Do Not Think of Me as a Human Being”: Race and Gender Inequities Intersect to Discourage Police Reporting of Violence against Women. Journal of Urban Health, 96(5), 772–783. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11524-019-00359-z
Evans, D. P., Hawk, S. R., & Ripkey, C. E. (2020). Domestic Violence in Atlanta, Georgia Before and During COVID-19. Violence and Gender, 8(3). https://doi.org/10.1089/vio.2020.0061
Fischel-Wolovick, L. (2021). The experience of domestic violence survivors in the US family courts: gender bias in the court. The International Journal of Forensic Psychotherapy, 3(1), 43–53. https://www.ingentaconnect.com/contentone/phoenix/ijfp/2021/00000003/00000001/art00007
Garza, A. D. (2021). Situating Institutional Responses to Latina Intimate Partner Violence Victims: An Argument for a LatCrit Lens. Crime & Delinquency, 67(8), 001112872198906. https://doi.org/10.1177/0011128721989061
Gordon, L. (2022). Heroes of Their Own Lives: The Politics and History of Family Violence–Boston, 1880-1960. In Google Books. University of Illinois Press. https://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=6nN_EAAAQBAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PT13&dq=history+of+us+cases+of+domestic+violence&ots=Xh2_tjUp6F&sig=_EvGO-oI0n39Ta9jbVITQ-PL_mw
Huecker, M., & Smock, W. (2022). Domestic Violence. Nih.gov; StatPearls Publishing. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK499891/
Papamichail, A., & Bates, E. A. (2019). The Appropriateness of the Duluth Model for Intimate Partner Violence and Child-to-Parent Violence: A Conceptual Review. Partner Abuse, 10(4), 517–532. https://doi.org/10.1891/1946-6560.10.4.517
United States Department of Justice. (2017, December 6). Federal Domestic Violence Laws. Justice.gov. https://www.justice.gov/usao-wdtn/victim-witness-program/federal-domestic-violence-laws
Wilson, D. B., Feder, L., & Olaghere, A. (2021). Court‐mandated interventions for individuals convicted of domestic violence: An updated Campbell systematic review. Campbell Systematic Reviews, 17(1). https://doi.org/10.1002/cl2.1151
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