Part a
Using satirical or humorous techniques in a revolution may help undermine the authority and legitimacy of the regime in power (McClennen, Popovic, & Wright, 2023). By ridiculing the government or its leaders, the opposition can expose the weaknesses and flaws of the regime, thereby reducing its credibility and inspiring popular discontent. This, in turn, can increase the likelihood of political change, as people become more willing to challenge the existing order. On the other hand, more serious revolutions may be more successful in mobilizing a broad-based coalition of opposition groups, including those who are not sympathetic to satirical or humorous forms of protest. These more serious revolutions can also better articulate a coherent political program and provide a vision for the future, which can inspire and unite people around a common goal.
The book provides several examples of both approaches. For instance, in Poland, the Solidarity movement used humour and satire to challenge the authority of the communist regime. They created cartoons, plays, and songs that mocked the government and its policies, which helped to delegitimize the regime and inspire popular opposition. In contrast, the East German revolution of 1989 was more serious in tone, with the opposition groups coming together around a common demand for political change.
The revolution in Ukraine in 2014 also provides an example of the use of national symbols and nationalist language in a revolution. During the protests, the opposition used the national flag and other symbols of Ukrainian identities, such as the trident, to assert their national identity and demand political change.
The use of nationalist language was also evident in the protests, with the opposition using the slogan “Glory to Ukraine” as a rallying cry. This phrase has its roots in Ukrainian nationalist movements of the early 20th century and was used by Ukrainian partisans during World War II. The opposition adopted the phrase as a way to assert Ukrainian identity and challenge the dominance of Russian influence in Ukraine. The use of national symbols and language in the Ukrainian revolution can be attributed to a variety of factors, including the historical context of Ukrainian identity, the political goals of the opposition, and the role of external actors in the revolution (Derluguian & Hovhannisyan, 2022). Ukraine has a long history of struggle for national identity, including periods of domination by other powers, such as Russia and the Soviet Union. Therefore, the use of national symbols and language was a way for the opposition to assert Ukrainian sovereignty and independence.
The political goals of the opposition were also reflected in their use of national symbols and language. The protests in Ukraine were primarily motivated by a desire for democratic reform and an end to corruption, but the use of national symbols and language was also a way to assert a broader vision of national identity and pride.
External factors, such as the European Union and Russia, also played a role in the Ukrainian revolution and may have influenced national symbols and language use. The European Union was supportive of the opposition and their use of national symbols and language, seeing it as a way to assert Ukrainian identity and independence from Russia. In contrast, Russia saw the protests as a threat to its influence in Ukraine and was critical of the use of nationalist language and symbols, viewing it as a divisive force that could further inflame tensions between Ukraine and Russia.
Part b
The book provides examples of the use of national symbols and nationalist language in several revolutions, including those in Poland and Czechoslovakia. In Poland, the Solidarity movement used the symbol of the Polish flag to rally support for their cause, while in Czechoslovakia, the opposition used the phrase “We Are the People” to assert their national identity and demand political change.
A variety of factors, including the historical context of the revolution, the political goals of the opposition, and the role of nationalism in society, can influence the use of national symbols and language. For instance, in Poland, the use of the national flag was a way to assert the country’s independence and sovereignty, which had been suppressed under communist rule (Mueller, 2022). In contrast, in Czechoslovakia, the use of the phrase “We Are the People” was a way to challenge the legitimacy of the communist regime and assert the common identity of the Czech and Slovak peoples.
Another factor that may account for the different terms used is the role of external actors in the revolution. In Poland, the Catholic Church played an important role in mobilizing opposition to the communist regime, and the use of national symbols was consistent with the church’s emphasis on national identity and pride. In contrast, in Czechoslovakia, the opposition was more focused on democratic reform and the rejection of communist rule, which may have made nationalist language less relevant to their goals.
The revolutions of 1989 marked a turning point in the history of Europe as they led to the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War. The revolutions were not isolated events but rather a series of popular uprisings that spread across Eastern Europe. This paper will examine the role of technology in the revolutions of 1989, with a particular focus on the Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia, and compare it to the Arab Spring revolutions in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Syria.
The Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia was a nonviolent revolution that led to the overthrow of the communist government. The revolution began on November 17, 1989, when a peaceful student demonstration was brutally suppressed by the police (Babinova, 2021). This event triggered a series of protests that spread throughout the country. The protesters used technology to organize and communicate with each other. They used fax machines, photocopiers, and telephones to spread information about the demonstrations and to coordinate their actions. Radio Free Europe, a US-funded radio station, also played an important role in the revolution by providing information to the protesters.
One document that discusses revolutions and the people involved in revolutions in Kenney’s book is Vaclav Havel’s essay “The Power of the Powerless” (László, 2019). Havel, a dissident playwright, became a key figure in the Velvet Revolution and later became the first president of post-communist Czechoslovakia. In his essay, Havel argues that the power of the communist regime was based on lies and that the only way to overcome it was through truth and nonviolent resistance. Havel’s essay inspired the protesters and became a manifesto of the Velvet Revolution.
Havel’s essay can be applied to the Arab Spring revolutions, particularly in Tunisia and Egypt, where nonviolent resistance played a key role in the overthrow of authoritarian regimes. In Tunisia, the revolution began on December 17, 2010, when a young street vendor set himself on fire in protest against police harassment (Alvi & Alvi, 2019). This event sparked protests that spread throughout the country, fueled by social media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter. The protesters used these platforms to organize and communicate with each other and to spread information about the demonstrations. The role of social media in the Arab Spring has been widely studied. It has been argued that social media played a significant role in mobilizing the protesters and exposing the abuses of the regimes.
The use of technology in the Arab Spring was not limited to social media. In Libya, the rebels used satellite phones and the internet to coordinate their actions and to communicate with the outside world. In Syria, the opposition used mobile phones and the internet to document the atrocities the regime committed and spread the news to the world.
In conclusion, the revolutions of 1989 and the Arab Spring revolutions were characterized by the use of technology to organize and communicate with each other. The use of fax machines, telephones, and radios in the 1989 revolutions paved the way for the use of social media and mobile phones in the Arab Spring (Schradie, 2019). The role of technology in these revolutions cannot be underestimated, as it played a crucial role in mobilizing the protesters and in exposing the abuses of the regimes. Vaclav Havel’s essay “The Power of the Powerless” inspired the nonviolent resistance in the Velvet Revolution, and its message was echoed in the nonviolent resistance of the Arab Spring.
Reference
Alvi, H., & Alvi, H. (2019). Tunisia’s Jasmine Revolution Demands Dignity. The Political Economy and Islam of the Middle East: The Case of Tunisia, 33-62.
Babinova, O. (2021). SOCIAL MOVEMENTS FOR DEMOCRACY IN POST-COMMUNIST SPACE: TWO REVOLUTIONS IN CZECHOSLOVAKIA (1968, 1989). HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES LATVIA, 5.
Derluguian, G., & Hovhannisyan, R. (2022). The Post-Soviet Revolution in Armenia: Victory, Defeat, and Possible Future. In Handbook of revolutions in the 21st century: The new waves of revolutions, and the causes and effects of disruptive political change (pp. 899-922). Cham: Springer International Publishing.
László, S. (2019). The anti-political vision: Post-1968 theories of dissent in Central Europe and beyond. In Unsettled 1968 in the Troubled Present (pp. 41-56). Routledge.
McClennen, S., Popovic, S., & Wright, J. (2023). How to Sharpen a Nonviolent Movement. Journal of Democracy, 34(1), 110-125.
Mueller, W. (2022). The End of the USSR. In The End of Empires (pp. 631-673). Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden.
Schradie, J. (2019). The revolution that wasn’t: How digital activism favors conservatives. Harvard University Press.
write