Background
The British government supported the establishment of a Jewish homeland in Palestine, and this fueled the conflict (Konyukhovskiy & Grigoriadis, 2020). The problem eventually led to the division plan of Palestine into two states (Jewish and Arab sides). However, it was unsuccessful as the Arabic nation declined the plan, hence the Arab-Israeli War. This resulted in the formation of the Israel nation (Konyukhovskiy & Grigoriadis, 2020).
From that point forward, there have been various endeavours to determine the contention with Oslo. The Oslo Accords proposed a two-state arrangement by which Israel would pull out from the involved Palestinian regions, and the PLO would perceive Israel as on the right track to exist (Konyukhovskiy & Grigoriadis, 2020). The arrangement has not been executed, and the contention has endured, with Israel growing its settlements in the involved regions and the Palestinian domains turning out to be progressively divided.
Decolonization and Self-Determination
The process by which formerly colonized areas achieve independence and sovereignty and liberate themselves from the rule of colonial powers is known as decolonization. Data from earlier research shows that decolonization was a moral victory as well as a legal need (Farsakh, 2021). It included the emancipation of colonial peoples who had been subjugated to foreign control and unfairly ruled. Conversely, the UN Charter and human rights agreements uphold the notion of self-determination as a fundamental aspect of international law, which declares that every person has the freedom to choose their political position and to pursue advancement in their social, cultural, and economic spheres. Self-determination was essential to the idea of post-colonial rights and sovereignty throughout the decolonization process (Farsakh, 2021). Self-determination may be justified in other situations, such as when it comes to increased independence for areas like Scotland or Quebec or autonomy for indigenous peoples, even if decolonization was one particular use of it.
The Palestinian public should practice their right to self-assurance and decolonize their region, as per the decolonization and self-assurance way to deal with statehood in Palestine (Farsakh, 2021). This technique considers Israel to be a pilgrim provincial state and the Israeli-Palestinian clash as a frontier one. It puts forth the defence that the Israeli control of Palestine is a sort of expansionism that denies the Palestinian nation their right to self-assurance and power. Hence, the foundation of a free Palestinian state and the decolonization of Palestine are just barely answers to the contention.
Various global gatherings and people have embraced the methodology, contending that the making of a free Palestinian state is basic because of Israel’s consistent occupation and breaks of common liberties. This system, nonetheless, has a great deal of obstructions since it approaches Israel to recognize Palestinian statehood, something it has reliably neglected to do. In addition, as the number of Israeli settlements in the West Bank and East Jerusalem continues to rise, it is becoming increasingly challenging to establish a viable Palestinian state (Farsakh, 2021). As indicated by this point of view, Israel is a pioneer frontier express that has taken Palestinian land, and the Israeli-Palestinian clash is the result of expansionism (Arora, 2020). The colonial enterprise that has consistently denied the Palestinian people their right to self-determination is perceived as continuing with this occupation.
Post-colonial philosophers like Frantz Fanon, who have emphasized the consequences of colonialism on the colonized peoples, provide proof for this idea (Arora, 2020). This idea is in line with the Palestinian struggle, which demands sovereignty and recognition as necessary components of decolonization. Additionally, plenty of worldwide associations and activists embrace this procedure, fighting that Palestine should be decolonized and a free Palestinian state should be laid out because of Israel’s nonstop occupation and breaks of common liberties (Arora, 2020). Interestingly, this methodology faces various difficulties since it expects Israel to perceive the Palestinian state, which it has reliably neglected to do. The ongoing expansion of Israeli settlements in East Jerusalem and the West Bank further complicates the process of establishing a viable Palestinian state.
One-State Solution
Most worldwide associations and activists embrace this procedure, fighting that Palestine should be decolonized and a free Palestinian state should be laid out because of Israel’s nonstop occupation and breaks of common liberties (Arora, 2020). Conversely, this strategy faces various difficulties since it expects Israel to perceive the Palestinian state, which it has reliably neglected to do. The ongoing expansion of Israeli settlements in East Jerusalem and the West Bank further complicates the process of establishing a viable Palestinian state (Arora, 2020). The system would introduce serious hurdles as it would require the complete obliteration of the current Israeli state and the formation of another one with a constitution and organization that the two gatherings would share. Additionally, since the majority of Israelis are concerned about losing their Jewish identity and majority in the event of a one-state solution, it is difficult to gain their support.
According to the theory of Critical Geopolitics, the one-state approach contradicts conventional ideas of statehood and borders (Sharp, 2019). This alternative statehood plan calls for the establishment of a single, democratic state in Palestine with equal rights and representation for the Israeli and Palestinian populations.
Bi-National State
The bi-national state idea acknowledges the long-standing ties that Israelis and Palestinians have had to the region (Wertman, 2021). Tensions resulting from divergent narratives may be lessened by encouraging communication and understanding between people. Instead of encouraging conflict, a combined organization would promote cooperation. Arendt’s view of power is very different from what is often believed. She argues that dominance, control, or coercion are not characteristics of power. Rather, it is essentially based on collaboration and communication. Arendt argues that power can only be used in conjunction with others via discussion, debate, and cooperative action (Capizzo & Feinman, 2022). Power cannot be used to control another person. This interpretation of power as a communicative force questions established hierarchical conceptions and highlights the significance of group agency. Acknowledging this communication capability becomes essential in a bi-national state.
Arendt’s work highlights the importance of public speech and action (praxis) in forming human identity. People’s identities come into being when they actively engage in public life. The idea of communal identity becomes more important in the setting of an Israeli-Palestinian bi-national state (Capizzo & Feinman, 2022). Recognizing their common historical, cultural, and social background would be a prerequisite for Israelis and Palestinians to create a single state. Acknowledging similarities and shared experiences would lead to the emergence of a collective identity. Furthermore, a bi-national state might lessen tensions brought on by past wars by promoting empathy and understanding amongst its citizens. Reconciliation can be facilitated by respecting one another’s stories and identities (Capizzo & Feinman, 2022). The idea of a future with more harmony and peace is predicated on the idea that group identification is beyond dividing factors. Israelis and Palestinians are more disposed to cooperate to accomplish shared goals when they see themselves as individuals from a similar element.
Arendt takes a more nuanced approach to identity politics. She opposes reducing individuals to rigid, stereotyped identities. Rather, she highlights that democratic politics requires constant discussion, indeterminacy, and contingency (Capizzo & Feinman, 2022). This entails making room for a variety of identities, histories, and viewpoints to coexist in a bi-national state. Arendt’s perspective is consistent with the notion that political actors can cooperate without having a shared past or lineage. Instead, they may have conversations, work out disagreements, and together, determine their future.
In conclusion, a bi-national state would value communication, acknowledge the strength of collective identity, and work toward a peaceful coexistence where Israelis and Palestinians contribute to a common future. Arendt’s observations would inform this.
Conclusion
There hasn’t been a sustainable resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian issue using the classic division concept. Alternate points of view for Palestine’s future are given by the different ways to deal with statehood in Palestine, including decolonization and self-assurance, the one-state choice, a bi-public state, and territorial combination. Even though each of these tactics has pros and cons, they all challenge the traditional dividing paradigm and recognize the complexity of the conflict. For any of these propositions to succeed, there should be serious areas of strength for a will behind them, as well as cooperation and a change in the mentalities and perspectives of the two players.
References
Arora, S. K. (2020). Postcolonialism: Theory, Issues and Applications. Presentations of Postcolonialism in English New Orientations, 47-62.
Börzel, T. A., & Risse, T. (2019). Grand theories of integration and the challenges of comparative regionalism. Journal of European public policy, 26(8), 1231-1252.
Capizzo, L., & Feinman, M. (2022). Extending civic values in architectures of listening: Arendt, Mouffe and the pluralistic imperative for organizational listening. Journal of Public Relations Research, 34(6), 274-295.
Carlill, B., & Carlill, B. (2021). The One-State Solution?. The Challenges of Resolving the Israeli–Palestinian Dispute: An Impossible Peace?, 279-297.
Farsakh, L. H. (2021). Rethinking Statehood in Palestine: Self-Determination and Decolonization Beyond Partition (p. 329). University of California Press.
Konyukhovskiy, P. V., & Grigoriadis, T. (2020). Proxy Wars & the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. Defence and Peace Economics, 31(8), 904-926.
Sharp, J. (2019). Critical geopolitics. In International Encyclopedia of Human Geography (Second Edition) (pp. 45-49). Elsevier Inc..
Wertman, O. (2021). The Securitization of the Bi-National State: The Oslo Accords 1993-1995. Strategic Assessment, 24(4).
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