Introduction:
The resistance of Pakistani women against the repressive policy of General Zia-ul-Haq’s regime could be one of the most important turning points in the history of the country; the firm stance of women who fought for their rights and tried to get rid of a patriarchal society. Under the Zia-UL-Haq regime, women were subjected to the Hudood Ordinances and the blasphemy laws along with others, only making their circumstances worse. These legal norms exerted tremendous pressure on women, particularly in the areas of rape, adultery, and speech control. On the contrary, Pakistani women exhibited courage and endurance by using distinct formats of activism, advocacy, and artistic expression to combat injustice and strive for progress. The story of women’s rebellion in Pakistan in this painting will be considered as the power of a group and the eternal struggle for fairness and equality.
The women in Pakistan were victimized by socio-legal injustices and gender discrimination in the era of Zia-ul-Haq. Hudood Ordinances were rigorous about rape prosecution processes and thereby increased the risk of victim blame. Women were not allowed to blaspheme, and it also created a fearful environment in which women dared not even open their mouths. Nevertheless, the Women Action Forum (WAF) and Tehrik-e-Niswan women organized and protested for policy change. This paper discusses the women’s resistance to the policies of General Zia-ul-Haq during this rule and the consequences of the Hudood Ordinances and blasphemy laws on women in general. In the historical analysis case study, the paper explores the strategies used by women in order to challenge patriarchy and policy change advocacy.
Outline:
Controversial Policies:
Hudood Ordinances:
The Hudood Ordinances, especially during General Zia-ul-Haq’s martial law in Pakistan, have brought in many discriminatory and unfair consequences for women’s independence and rights, in particular with respect to adultery and rape cases. The ordinances which seek to uphold and serve the concept of ‘Islamic justice’ have burdensome conditions in rape prosecutions which deny justice to rape victims. For instance, the case of Mukhtar Mai, a woman from the Punjab, would be a very telling illustration of the severity of the injustices caused by these laws (Wasti, 2003). Mukhtar Mai was a victim of a cruel gang rape carried out with permission from a village council as a punishment for her brother’s extramarital affair with a woman from an upper. As a result of the tough provisions of the Hudood Ordinance, the communities could not get the criminals punished even through public protest and international condemnation. This narrative namely confirms that these laws hindered the prosecution of rape and denied justice to the survivors, thus making it a system of impunity and injustice.
Furthermore, Hudood Ordinances led to women who reported being raped being socially excluded and blamed for their condition of being raped, which made them feel worse and left others with no chance of seeking justice because of the fear of being socially excluded and any further persecution (Hussain et al., 2011). The legal system in which women were trapped not only put their rights in jeopardy but also sanctioned the discrimination of sex, which in turn legitimizes male dominance and denies women’s freedom and self-respect. Such laws not only legalized discrimination but also institutionalized inequality and oppression, thus subjugating women within the society and deepening their marginalization. Rapid action is the key to dislodging the prevalent systemic hurdles which continue to foster injustice and promote the upholding of women’s rights in Pakistan.
Blasphemy Laws
In Pakistan, the emergence of Blasphemy Laws greatly hindered the liberation and self-expression of women. Pakistan’s insulting God laws have been a major deterrent to women’s expression of freedom and authority, enforcing a culture of fear and self-censorship. Females, especially of the minority religious denominations and those from deprived communities, are more likely to be punished through extreme and sometimes fatal measures if they are found guilty of committing blasphemy because of the risks associated with blasphemy charges. Women’s voices get suppressed not only by the climate of intimidation but also by the perspectives of the existing power structures by which the system of societal inequalities is also supported (Lau, 2007). In addition, blasphemy laws act as a tool of patriarchy that assists in maintaining control over women by subduing their agency and autonomy, as any departure from accepted gender norms could incur severe punishment.
Numerous cases illustrate how unfair penalties have been meted out on women who have the courage to break societal norms or stand up for their rights. For instance, Asiya Bibi, a Christian woman, was actualized to death in 2010 after being accused of blasphemy in a conflict with Muslim co-workers. International backlash and the evidence of her innocence did not change her fate. She spent nearly a decade on death row before her acquittal by the Supreme Court of Pakistan in 2018 (Ahmad, 2021). In addition, women such as Shaista Wahidi, a TV anchor, have experienced repression and threats of killing because of their opinions that drew the indignation of religious extremists by expressing their opinions which were believed to be offensive. In addition, the scenario of Rimsha Masih, a 13-year-old Christian girl with Down syndrome, also proves that blasphemy cases often involve the community’s most vulnerable groups, especially those from either religious or gender minorities. Although Masih was accused of blasphemy in 2012, the incident led to countrywide riots and condemnation (Hussain et al., 2011). Though she was only eventually acquitted, the incident drove home how much women were subject to gross injustices imposed by Pakistani blasphemy laws. These cases highlight the profound impact of blasphemy laws on women’s lives, illustrating how they are used as tools of oppression to silence dissent and maintain the status quo of patriarchal control.
Women’s Forms of Resistance
Utilization of Arts & Literature
In the face of encompassing society’s stifling culture and persecution from politics, the women of Pakistan utilized various art forms as impactful weapons that women used for protest and self-assertion. Artworks like music, theatre, and visual art have actually gotten people in society to overthrow the existing political and social systems, support and advocate for women’s rights and even expose gender inequality. The prowess of music as the most powerful instrument for communicating messages of freedom and self-realization has been widely acknowledged. Likewise, Pakistani female artists are taking advantage of this ability more fully (Korson and Maskiell, 1985). Tahira Syed, with her strong music, is actually a torch-bearer for women’s empowerment and women’s rights advocacy in Pakistan. In songs like “Woh Baten Teri” and “Abhi To Main Jawan Hoon,” she creates beautiful melodies that are intertwined with deep lyrics which women can relate to, and that can inspire them to break with the social norms and fight for what belongs to them (Wasti, 2003). Tahira Syed’s music does much more than the borders: she transmits the message of power and courage, which connects with women not only in Pakistan but all through the world. Every woman who takes up a pen becomes a source of power to fight against gender injustice and oppression, urging their peers to do much more than lament their situation. While on the theatrical front, Tehrik-e-Niswan Productions, under the leadership of Sheema Kermani, is a visionary leader, and the theatre has been a visceral platform for feminist movements in Pakistan. For example, “Song of Mohenjodaro” and “Kirchi Kirchi Karachi” are plays that provide insights into women’s varied lives in Pakistan, be it from cultural heritage or contemporary urban life (Ghani, 2020). By means of gripping narrative, music and dance, Tehrik-e-Niswan rejects patriarchal structures and boosts women’s views of social transformation, institutionalizing stories and forcing transformation. By confronting the stereotypes and promoting gender equality, Tehrik-e-Niswan gives women back their dignity and rights to talk not only on stage but in their everyday lives as well.
In the world of visual art, Lubna Agha’s artworks are powerful vehicles for tearing down the socio-cultural norms and bringing the discussion on the issues of identity and gender to the table. A piece like “Window 1” and “2 Bowls” can lead to contemplation about the themes of introspection, perspective, and community. It also encourages the viewers to reflect upon their biases and perceptions (Ud Din, no date). Using her art, Lubna Agha confronts the notions, inviting the audience to ponder and bypass the system’s fixed thoughts. Each artwork becomes a tool for dialogue, generating deeper understanding and tolerance by supporting a more diverse and fair world. Consequently, the artistic expressions of Tahira Syed, Tehrik-e-Niswan Productions and Lubna Agha become the main tools of advocacy and empowerment in Pakistan (Korson and Maskiell, 1985). Through art such as music, theater, and visual arts, these individuals and organizations use the medium to battle social injustices, give equality to women, and encourage social justice. In a society where women’s rights are generally neglected, their artistic efforts will become the sources of light, inspiring transformation towards a more equitable tomorrow.
Creation of Organizations:
The establishment of the Women Action Forum (WAF) was a turning point in the history of women’s struggles in Pakistan, mainly under the direction of the late Zia-ul-Haq’s government. Facing harsh discrimination and unjust laws, activists from diverse backgrounds came together to form the Women’s Action Forum, an organization that existed for one purpose: to advocate for women’s rights and freedom (Muhammad and Sidra, 2022). Besides WAF, other important organizations like the Aurat Foundation, Shirkat Gah Women’s Resource Center and Rozan were established to address gender-based inequalities and women empowerment. Along with them, these organizations became the backbone of female emancipation and systemic inequalities.
WAF became a symbol of hope, allowing Pakistani women to discuss their concerns and plan for consequential actions to achieve progress. WAF acted by publishing data and evidence that the discriminatory measures of the regime were damaging. Through releasing press notes, research papers, and advocacy campaigns, WAF effectively created public awareness regarding the oppression of Hudood Ordinances and Blasphemy laws (Saigol, 2016). By featuring these injustices as an objective, WAF gained the strong support of reform activists and pressured authorities to act. Additionally, WAF did not only give speeches but also organized street demonstrations for women’s voices to be heard and for the government to be held accountable for their actions. The protests became a symbol of solidarity and resistance, and women from all social groups came together to protest for justice and observance of these rights. For this reason, the women of WAF proved even the bravery and perseverance of Pakistani women in the process of doing away with the patriarchal structures and gaining equal rights.
Additionally, some women’s rights NGOs, including The Aurat Foundation, Shirkat Gah, and Rozan, used different techniques to help uplift women and change society. These organizations have implemented various community mobilization initiatives, legal advocacy, and capacity-building initiatives to deal with structural issues of gender inequality and discrimination (Maskiell, 1984). By means of making interactive relationships with such organizations and taking policy advocacy steps, these organizations were aimed at a bigger movement for the issues of gender equality and social justice in Pakistan. Through their sacrifices, they laid a solid foundation for an inclusive and equitable society, which later on served as motivation for many women to continue the fight for fairness and liberty.
Impacts of Resistance
Policy Change: The women’s groups, particularly the Women Action Forum (WAF), under the leadership of General Zia-ul-Haq, initiated the mass protests. That forced the authorities to rethink their stance towards women’s rights and equality. At the outset, Zia-ul-Haq’s administration imposed harsh laws that drastically limited a woman’s independence and freedom. Nevertheless, the continued demonstrations by women activists forced decision-makers to acknowledge that these laws were unfair to them and urged for redress (Ahmad and Aman, 2021). As a consequence of the women’s protests, politicians were forced to begin instituting laws that aimed to minimize the discriminatory features of existing laws and improve gender equality. Similarly, amendments in the Hudood Ordinances were made to reduce the negative impact of these laws on women. Laws governing rape and adultery were revised to provide victims with better protection as well as ensure that the judicial system is fairer. Also, the laws surrounding inheritance and family rights were modified to grant women more autonomy and choice with regard to marriage, divorce, and property ownership.
In contrast, vigorous campaigning, on top of the high awareness and debate on women’s rights issues, contributed to this. As a result, the policies were designed to support gender equality and empower women in different areas of life (Ghani, 2020). Measures were taken to improve education and healthcare services for women, promote women in leading positions, and combat gender-based violence through legislation and institutions. One of the major achievements of the women’s organizations’ protests that took place during General Zia-ul-Haq’s regime was a series of policy changes that focused on eliminating systemic discrimination and advancing gender equality in Pakistan. These changes showed that a path towards the acknowledgement and safeguarding of women’s rights and freedom existed, although complete gender equality is yet to come.
Conclusion
In conclusion, Pakistani women who staged their resistance against General Zia-ul-Haq got the repute for breaking the barriers when their struggle proceeded. In the absence of a male-dominant, mostly patriarchal system, the women in Pakistan displayed courage and determination as they fought for their dignity and self-esteem. Even though patriarchal structures and misogynistic laws suppressed the souls of women, it was forms such as activism, advocacy and creative art that helped them liberate themselves and become free individuals. NGOs like the Women’s Action Forum were important intermediaries between women who merely wanted to be heard and those prepared to act by fighting for actual change. The fact that they organized demonstrations, participated actively in politics, and led campaigns that changed the minds of the public gave women the power to ask the government to reconsider their laws on women’s rights.
Meanwhile, the effect of women’s resistance infiltrated the processes of policy-making and, at the same time, penetrated Pakistani society, showing an example to the young activists and fulfilling the discussion on gender equality and social justice. Women’s organizations, fighting to change the existing order and their inability to accept women’s discrimination, were the beginning of a society where equality and inclusiveness rule. Besides this momentous progress, the battle for gender equality in Pakistan is still unfinished. While women’s rights and empowerment have progressed by leaps and bounds over time, the deep-seated patriarchal mindsets and the sociocultural inequities remain the biggest obstacles. Women’s resistance momentum should be continued in tandem with women who have a surging aspiration to break down the structures that restrain women’s recognition. Over the relentless battle for gender equality, Pakistani women holding their ground continue to lead the way fearlessly, demanding rights, honor, and equity. They are symbols from which we may draw our inspiration. With their resilience and power, they reveal to us that soon, we will inhabit a world where all men and women – girls and boys – are free from discrimination and oppression.
References
Ahmad, I., & Aman, S. (2021). Women’s rights in Pakistan: A study of religious and alternate discourses regarding women’s participation in politics. Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ), 5(1), 123–138. https://doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/5.1.9
Hussain, A., Salim, A., & Naveed, A. (2011). Connecting the Dots: Education and ReligiousDiscrimination in Pakistan A Study of Public Schools and Madrassas United StateS CommiSSion on international religioUS Freedom. https://www.uscirf.gov/sites/default/files/resources/Pakistan-ConnectingTheDots-Email(3).pdf
Maskiell, M. (1984). THE IMPACT OF ISLAMIZATION POLICIES ON PAKISTANI WOMEN’S LIVES. https://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/PNAAY031.pdf
Saigol, R. (2016). Feminism and the women’s movement in Pakistan actors, debates and strategies. https://library.fes.de/pdf-files/bueros/pakistan/12453.pdf
Ud Din, N. (n.d.). Islamization of Laws in Islamization of Laws in Pakistan during the Rule of General Zia Ul Haq. http://islamika.aiu.edu.pk/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/Islamization-of-Laws-in-Pakistan-issue-1-v1-j3.pdf
Wasti, A. (2003, January 1). The Hudood Laws of Pakistan: A Social and Legal Misfifit in Today’s Society.https://digitalcommons.schulichlaw.dal.ca/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1193&context=djls
Lau, M. (2007). Twenty-Five Years of Hudood Ordinances-A Review Twenty-Five Years of Hudood Ordinances-A Review Twenty-Five Years of Hudood Ordinances- A Review. https://scholarlycommons.law.wlu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?referer=&httpsredir=1&article=1207&context=wlulr
Ahmad, D. (2021). Negotiating modernity with caution: women of jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan. Īqān, 4(01), 64–79. https://doi.org/10.36755/iqan.v4i01.342
Ahmad, I. and Aman, S. (2021). Women’s rights in Pakistan: a study of religious and alternate discourses regarding women’s political participation. Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (Lassij), 5(1), 123-138. https://doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/5.1.9
Dinar, H. (2020). Women-led businesses: an ethnographic study of gendered entrepreneurship in Gilgit-Baltistan, Pakistan. Journal of South Asian Development, 15(3), 398–414. https://doi.org/10.1177/0973174120983129
Ghani, F. (2020). Democracy of Pakistan and Dilemma of Liberalism under Constant Struggle with Religious Nationalism and Politicized Institutions. Journal of Political Studies, 27(2). http://pu.edu.pk/images/journal/pols/pdf-files/15-v27_2_2020.pdf
Javid, H. (2021). The limits of possibilities of religious politics: the case of the tehreek-i-labbaik in Pakistani Punjab. Sociological Bulletin, 70(4), 502–521. https://doi.org/10.1177/00380229211051041
Korson, J. and Maskiell, M. (1985). Islamization and social policy in Pakistan: the constitutional crisis and the status of women. Asian Survey, 25(6), 589-612. https://doi.org/10.2307/2644377
Muhammad, S. and Sidra, M. (2022). Women’s activism and Pakistani state policies: a comparison of Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif governments (1988-1999). Global Political Review, VII(I), 64-73. https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(viii).07
Saigol, R., & Chaudhary, N. U. (2020). Contradictions and Ambiguities of Feminism in Pakistan. https://www.academia.edu/download/65788169/Fourth_Wave_Feminism.pdf
write