Introduction
Of utmost importance is to assert that the incarceration rates in America increased fivefold from the mid-1970s to the turn of the 21st century. While the rates have stabilized and declined slightly since this period, incarceration remains a relatively common aspect for the poor and minority groups in the nation (Turney & Goodsell, 2018). In this light, women represent the fastest-growing sect of the incarcerated population. An epitome is that between 1980 and 1997, the rate of females in American prisons increased by around 573%, double the rate for males (Ilieva-Petkova, 2016). In 2011, the number of women offenders was around 103674, representing 6.7% of the total incarcerated population. In 2013, the number rose to around 111300. Conversely, female inmates tend to possess disproportionately low educational levels, low income and even high levels of mental illnesses like substance abuse. According to Wood (2019), female inmates possess increasingly higher levels of mental health disorders when compared to males, particularly in personality and mood disorders, risk of suicide, PTSD and psychotic disorders. It is, therefore, the aim of this essay to determine why evidence depicts a higher level of mental health issues for female offenders, the factors that are most significant for the higher rates of mental illness and the ideal treatment regimen for this special population. Moreover, the aspect of fostering positive mother-to-child linkages when the former is incarcerated and the appropriate reintegration methods will also be discussed.
Pathways to Jail for female Offenders and the Link with Mental Health
When taking into account the varying factors responsible for gender differences when it comes to mental health issues among American prisoners, it is critical to comprehend that the pathways to prison often differ significantly between men and women. In this light, women are more likely than men to indicate a background of physical, emotional and sexual abuse prior to their criminality (Wood, 2019). Moreover, the psychological, physical and sexual victimization in females tends to affect offending directly. The implication is that females might fall into varying crime pathways in response to traumatic experiences. Consequently, it poses a negative impact on the mental illness of women offenders. According to Ilieva-Petkova (2016), almost 6 in every ten women in American state prisons have experienced physical or sexual abuse in the past. By being a victim of abuse, the females get pre-disposed to many mental health issues like depression, anxiety and other forms of emotional disorders. Still, on the trauma issues, Lynch et al. (2013) assert that most incarcerated females possess trauma-linked mental illness that is either unrecognized or misdiagnosed, which consequently translates to inadequate treatment. Some female inmates stipulate that they wish to talk about their trauma directly but never get the opportunity. From their perspective, this leads to negative emotions that revolve around low self-worth and extreme frustration. Others feel that they get prescribed unnecessary regimens that end up numbing their pain while ignoring the issue’s root. It calls for better assessment measures and treatment.
Moreover, other females, especially the low-income/low-educated ones, end up self-medicating through alcohol and other drugs. For most of these, drugs effectively serve as the sole panacea to numb the feeling of pain, worthlessness and helplessness. The moment they enter the vicious cycle of addiction, their chances of interacting with the criminal justice framework rise significantly. The reasons for incarceration are linked to intoxication in public spaces, driving under the influence, theft, prostitution or even the possession/distribution of illegal substances (Ilieva-Petkova, 2016). Still, evidence depicts that American law enforcement and sentencing practices and policies tend to dramatically and disproportionately affect women. However, the facts also illustrate that 1 in every three women serving time in prison self-reported that they engaged in an offence in the quest to obtain finances to support their needs.
Treatment Plans Available
Gender-specific treatment initiatives are the key to reducing mental health issues and recidivism in female offenders. Ilieva-Petkova (2016) asserts that targeting women offenders’ unique treatment obligations will lead to more favourable outcomes concerning the problem behaviours like dependency, substance abuse and recidivism. The recommendations available revolve around treating issues linked to sexuality, low self-esteem and the treatment of sexual abuse, together with co-existing psychiatric disorders. Notably, a cognitive-behavioural intervention for mental health issues in incarcerated women would be critical. Wood (2019) supports this by asserting that three-quarters or higher of cognitive behavioural therapy intervention participants stipulate that it assisted them in dealing with traumatic symptoms, substance use, coping skills, and even fostering feelings of safety. In-prison programs should also strive to incorporate treatment modalities like case management, therapeutic communities, drug education and individual counselling. This can cater to the pathways of females associated with incarceration.
While the prison might never be the optimum context for female offenders to deal with their trauma-linked mental health issues, there are resources to foster better adaptation. For instance, reflecting on positive adaptation occurs through psychological resilience. Wood (2019) asserts that psychological resilience can impact the mental health of imprisoned females leading to better psychological well-being. For instance, they can better adapt in prison and, at the same time, reduce the negative aspects linked to incarceration.
Fostering Positive Mother/Child Linkages
Most incarcerated females are typically parents to children that are under 18 years. Miller (2021) asserts that, unlike most males who commit crimes, most incarcerated mothers possess sole custody of their children and often plan to resume the parenting role after release. Notably, the average incarcerated woman has around 2.5 children (Miller, 2021). Considering the adversities faced by children of incarcerated parents, there is an urgent need to foster and implement initiatives to address the inequalities between these children and others. In this light, Turney & Goodsell (2018) assert that initiatives designed for incarcerated mothers strive to enhance the parenting knowledge of the mother. The curricula, therefore, combine objectives like enhancing mental well-being, communication, child development, attitudes towards parenting, discipline and even behaviour management. Professionals facilitating these in incarcerated mothers ensure that both the mother and child benefit from the improved relationship.
Re-integrating Female Offenders
Female offenders re-entering society face similar and unique challenges compared to males. Miller (2021) stipulates that compared to males, females are significantly regular drug users, economically disadvantaged, and are also victims of maltreatment and abuse. This way, they are more likely to suffer from co-occurring disorders while also having custody over children. Therefore, gender-responsive programming that starts with an assessment of individual needs and risks while considering gender-specific variables is essential. Specifically, cognitive behavioural therapy, mutual support groups and all-female group sessions come in handy in programming for females linked to the criminal justice framework. Integrated treatment for co-occurring disorders also fosters effective reentry and integration. Other strategies revolve around therapeutic communities, focus on aftercare, medication-assisted treatment, peer recovery support, housing assistance, employment and skills training (Miller, 2021).
Conclusion
In summary, trauma-linked mental health is a prevalent issue in female offenders; therefore, treatment should be tailored to this population’s unique needs. The essay strived to delve into why female offenders have higher mental illnesses, what effective treatment plans are available, how professionals can facilitate positive mother/child linkages and even the appropriate strategies for reentry and integration. The varying stakeholders at the state and federal levels should strive to implement gender-specific initiatives in the quest to improve the outcomes of this population.
References
Ilieva-Petkova, M. (2016). Examining gender specific treatment programs in women’s prisons. Eastern Michigan University. https://commons.emich.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2048&context=theses
Lynch, S. M., DeHart, D. D., Belknap, J., & Green, B. L. (2013). Women’s pathways to jail: Examining mental health, trauma, and substance use. Bureau of Justice Assistance. http://ncdsv.org/images/BJA_WomensPathwaysToJail_3-2013.pdf
Miller, H. V. (2021). Female Reentry and Gender-Responsive Programming: Recommendations for Policy and Practice. Corrections Today. www. ojp. gov/pdffiles1/nij/300931. pdf. https://nij.ojp.gov/topics/articles/female-reentry-and-gender-responsive-programming#9dwdqd
Turney, K., & Goodsell, R. (2018). Parental incarceration and children’s well-being. The Future of Children, 28(1), 147–164. https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/EJ1179185.pdf
Wood, R. (2019). THE TRAUMA-RELATED MENTAL HEALTH ISSUES OF FEMALE PRISONERS: THE NEED FOR TRAUMA-SPECIFIC INTERVENTION. A REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE. https://www.divaportal.org/smash/get/diva2:1486261/FULLTEXT01.pdf
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