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Evolution of American Foreign Policy in the Eisenhower and Kennedy Administrations

Discuss the evolution of American foreign policy in the Eisenhower and Kennedy Administrations. Why did Eisenhower and Kennedy advocate for various policies and what does that tell us about American foreign policy during the period and America’s approach to the Cold War?

During his tenure as president of the United States, President Eisenhower presided over the country from 1953 to 1961. He was regarded as a liberal conservatism in his day. He was intensely concerned about foreign and military affairs at the time. Cold War tensions with Russia and hostility with the Soviet Union dominated his administration as well. The United States also created worldwide renewable energy, which is the central premise of Dr. Strangelove, since there were plenty of tensions for both the Soviet Union and the United States of America at the time. He backed mutually assured destruction, which he referred to as heavy retribution, and he advocated for an equal or stronger strike on the Soviet Union than the United States. He was also a supporter of nations in Latin America and the Middle East who were opposed to communism at the time. The president that succeeded Eisenhower was John F. Kennedy (1961-1963), who is most remembered for founding the Peace Corps, signing the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, and initiating the space race. During his tenure, there was also hostility against communist countries. He attempted to prevent communism from being adopted in third-world nations by using nonviolent means to do it. His foreign policy was more adaptable than Eisenhower’s, and he employed informal discussions and bureaucracy to put an end to communism, in contrast to Eisenhower.

Discuss the evolution of American foreign policy in the Eisenhower and Kennedy Administrations.

In the opinion of Kennedy’s close advisors, Eisenhower’s foreign policy apparatus was completely overtaken, sluggish to react, unduly dependent on obstructionism and huge reprisal, and complacency. Their concern was that the State Department is incapable of putting their emerging global ideas into action after eight years. With a youthful and active National Security Council and White House personnel that could create their internal informal ties inside the bureaucracies of foreign affairs, the new President was keen to maintain control over foreign policy. Moreover, Kennedy believed that Eisenhower and Secretaries Dulles and Herter had all but given the newly rising republics in Africa, Asia and Latin America to the communists by their actions during the Cold War. Kenned believed that each country should realize if it desires harm or good fortunes to the US and that the nation will be willing to spend whatever it takes, endure any workload, encounter any struggles, endorse any companion, oppose any foe to ensure the survival and fulfillment of liberty. The implementation of president Kennedy’s policies on foregin matters did not match up to his rousing discourse. .

!961 was when president Kennedy provided the order for Eisenhower’s invasion of Cuba’s Bay of Pigs, which had been planned by Eisenhower. The army physical assault, which was conducted by Cuban exiles in the absence of critical air assistance, was a colossal failure because of erroneous information. When Kennedy appeared ill-prepared and it was clear that something was wrong. Following that, Kennedy’s stern language against the Soviet Union in Berlin did not help to ameliorate the situation; rather, the Soviets erected the Berlin Wall to separate East and West Berlin from one other (Transcript Of Truman Doctrine, 1947). The resolution not to find a middle ground opposing communists in Laos, as President Eisenhower had recommended, left South Vietnam as the only country in Asia where communism might be confronted and eliminated. Kennedy’s overall track record was a great mix of triumphs and tribulations. The United States Arms Control and Disarmament Agency (ACDA) was founded in 1961 as a distinct institution under the supervision of the Department of State, at the insistence of President John F. Kennedy. Eisenhower’s long discussions with the Soviet Union provided a foundation for the Kennedy Administration’s efforts, but the Limited Test Ban Treaty put to paper by president Kennedy only prohibited testing of nuclear matter atmospherically and did not prohibit subterranean nuclear testing. During the Vietnam War, the Kennedy regime backed the toppling of President Diem, reasoning that any future country ought to be an upgrade over Diem’s regime. They were completely incorrect. In addition, U.S. attempts in Western Europe, such as backing for Britain’s admission into the European Economic Community and European military cooperation, were both deemed ineffective by the international community.

President Eisenhower established a well-deserved reputation for efficiency and order during his time in Europe during World War II as the Allied Supreme Commander. Under his leadership, the Department of State was incorporated into the National Security Council’s (NSC) organized system of effective structural review, and the NSC had a resurgence under his Administration. Rather than the Department of State, the National Security Council’s own Planning Board generated discussions papers for the NSC, and the Zoning Board worked to resolve interdepartmental conflicts until a policy document was presented to the NSC. The whole Council, with Eisenhower nearly really in attendance, discussed and made judgments on policy choices, which were subsequently forwarded to the president as suggestions in the form of National Security Council actions. One further group, the Operational Coordination Board, was responsible for ensuring that the bureaucracies followed out the suggestions that had been authorized by President Obama (Bacevich). Dulles made a clear distinction between the policy evaluation process and the day-to-day activities of the Department of State, which he considered to be the sole domain of the Department of State. As a result, Dulles considered that certain matters, such as covert activities, were too delicate to be addressed by the whole National Security Council (NSC). Due to his tight links to the President and his even strong connection with his brother, CIA Director Allen Dulles, John Foster Dulles was regarded as the second most important person at every National Security Council meeting, after only the President. President Eisenhower frequently took the lead in the debates, but Dulles maintained his most prominent foreign policy advisor throughout his presidency.

Dulles was an outspoken opponent of communism. According to this Secretary of State, there were no gray areas; countries were either members of the liberal world or members of the Soviet Union; he had little patience for neutrality or non-alignment. Secretary Dulles had another propensity to use theatrical expressions when he spoke. The President of the United States said in a 1954 address that the USA would respond to Soviet acts of aggression not particularly where they happened but where the US selected, premised on its disincentive of overwhelming retaliating capability. Dulles explained in an interview later in 1956 how he had communicated to the Chinese and the North Koreans that if the socialist countries did not sign the Korean ceasefire, the USA would use its nuclear weapons against them. Dulles stated that by bringing the world to the verge of nuclear catastrophe, he was able to bring the Korean War to a end and prevent a broader battle. In the aftermath, Dulles was connected with the ideals of overwhelming retribution and brinkmanship, which were described as “an uncontrollably irresponsible mix of nuclear provocations and face-to-face confrontation. While the so-called nuclear threat to China was less certain than Dulles had stated, the Eisenhower Administration’s strategy of huge retribution was predicated on mutual nuclear deterrence and was significantly more cautious in its approach to the situation.

Why did Eisenhower and Kennedy advocate for various policies and what does that tell us about American foreign policy during the period and America’s approach to the Cold War?

The Cold War culture and political ideas influenced their writings. They had identical foreign policy ideas, and their political antagonism made them seem like a pair. Both presidents entered the cold war with a desire to outdo the Soviet Union. Both Presidents show that in 1963, these two people cared greatly about American principles and their continuation overseas without minimum or no interruption from the Cold war. With further historical information, one might conclude that these views influenced the presidents’ foreign policy, as illustrated above. Both Presidents Eisenhower and Kennedy rejected global communism. In many ways, they are two of the most renowned supporters of democracy overseas (National Security Council, 1950). Beyond war, Kennedy and Eisenhower did all necessary to ensure the spread and protection of democratic, American principles overseas. Their views fueled their activities in foreign policy. Eisenhower utilized Lincoln to lead, influence, and sustain his Cold War policies, which he thought meant defending democracy at all costs. Kennedy identified the same ideas in his approach to the cold war; he intended America to dedicate itself to the maintenance of its integrity and superpower status.

Conclusion

To conclude, John F. Kennedy was the president who followed Dwight D. Eisenhower. From 1953 until 1961, Eisenhower served as president of the United States. In his day, he was considered a liberal-conservative. At the time, he was very interested in international and military matters. His government was marked by Cold War tensions with Russia and antagonism toward the Soviet Union. The anti-communist sentiment was high throughout Kennedy’s tenure as president. He used peaceful tactics to try to stop communism from spreading to third-world countries. Unlike Eisenhower, he used informal conversations and bureaucracy to bring an end to communism, rather than relying only on military force.

References

Andrew J. Bacevich (ed.), The Short American Century: A Postmortem (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2012). Pp. 239. isbn978 0 674 06445 4. Journal of American Studies47(1), 293–294. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0021875812002253

National Security Council, (1950). A Report to the National Security Council on United States Objectives and Programs for National Security

Transcript Of Truman Doctrine. (1947). U.S. National Archives & Records Administration. Transcript of Truman Doctrine (1947). https://www.ourdocuments.gov/print_friendly.php?flash=true&

 

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