Overview
Recently, terms like “tourism phobia” and “overtourism” have been bandied around. They reflect the difficulties of coping with a rise of tourists in metropolitan locations and tourist’s influence on the city and its citizens. In places where residents and tourists alike complain that there are just too many people, the standard of living or the visiting experience has degraded to an unacceptable degree; we say “over-tourism.” Overtourism is the polar contrary of responsible tourism, which aims to improve the standard of living for tourists and the standard of the tourist adventure for locals. It is not uncommon for guests and visitors to notice the decline simultaneously.
Urban sprawl, nighttime noises, and other socioeconomic issues are all being blamed on “new urban tourists” in towns throughout the country (Pinkster and Boterman, 2017). More and more examples of residents’ resistance and protest in tourist destinations have appeared recently (Novy, 2016). Gravari-Barbas and Guinand (2017) found a link between touristification and gentrification, which they blamed for driving up real estate prices and displacing locals ( Wachsmuth and Weisler, 2018; Mermet, 2017); they also cited NTE as a source of disruption, as well as club and liquor tourist activities (Pixová and Sládek, 2016; Vianello, 2016).
Although tourism-linked activities (like gentrification) might have negative consequences on the city, many of them are the consequence of uncontrolled urban growth. According to Colomb and Novy (2016), local governments’ lack of response to overtourism could be the biggest concern. Urban regulation-makers feel the tourist industry is a simple industry to develop but does not need a lot of community expenditure. In opposition to the “relatively hands-off and self-oversight approaches which have permeated tourist ideologies for many generations,” Papp, Postama, and Koens (2018) contend that overtourism has prompted a new interpretation of tourist planning, legislation, and oversight. Sládek and Pixová (2016) explain Prague citizens’ dissatisfaction with the capital’s unethical and laissez-faire attitude governing the metropolitan area and tourist industry. In the context of huge “flagship” initiatives and mega-activity, like the Olympics, the opposition may arise due to a projected or believed concern with future tourism. According to this view, administration aspirations and a goal for state legacies at the expense of local advantages are generally associated with the latter ( Lenskyj, 2017; Boykoff, 2017).
Budapest, the capital of the Hungarian nation, is the subject of our scenario study in the latter half of this article, which has seen a notable rise in tourism in current years, particularly in the nocturnal economic structure (NTE). For over two decades, the Municipality has been heavily advertised as a history or local cultural tourist attraction (Smith and Puczkó, 2012). However, its fashionable “ruin bars” have lately made it increasingly popular with travelers. Budapest’s “party area” has seen the largest collection of Airbnb rentals in the capital and many complaints from area citizens regarding nighttime noises, congestion, garbage, price rises, and street violence. The results of surveys given to locals and visitors will be reviewed, showing that there are valid worries.
It has been argued that insufficient study has been done on how governmental entities address the primary causes of local inhabitants’ dissatisfaction (Sommer and Helbrecht, 2017). An absence of coherence in Budapest’s urban policies and strategy has already failed to rein in the expansion of tourism, particularly its influence on the nocturnal commerce (NTE) (Smith et al., 2017). However, despite the current appointment of a Nighttime Mayor in Budapest to handle NTE-linked issues and soothe citizens, new procedures and laws have still not been introduced to solve these issues. As popular dissatisfaction with Budapest’s policies grew, demonstrations erupted throughout the latter half of 2018. Furthermore, residents have been protesting the central government’s proposed reconstruction of a Public Park, a new amusement and tourist destination, for several months. According to a community-signed petition by local citizens, the administration’s Olympics ambition in 2017 was unsuccessful. The main purpose is to investigate how tourism affects the life quality of its residents in Budapest and if it may be seen as a trigger or a sacrificial lamb for the town’s apparent decline in life quality.
Social and Economic Impact of Over-tourism
With the rise of urban tourism, Fainstein and Judd (1999) claimed that the transformation of the urban ecosystem accompanied the city’s downfall. They contended that this had both advantages and disadvantages. There was a lack of attention paid to the experiences of city dwellers in their research, nevertheless. Among the most potent economic drivers of urban renewal in Western urban areas in the 1990s was the New Cities Tourism idea (Dirksmeier and Helbrecht, 2015). For the New Urban Tourism, “off the beaten path” means exploring local neighborhoods, notably those that would be labeled “edgy” (Dirksmeier and Helbrecht, 2015; Pappalepore, Maitland, and Smith, 2014).
The rise of “Neo Bohemia,” which Lloyd (2017) characterizes as a convergence of Bohemia’s disaster-oriented re-modeling and American urban areas towards the beginning of the 21st century, is strongly linked to the search for these encounters. All included are arts-driven redevelopment, artistic urban areas, and gentrification dynamics that culminated in the expulsion of the initial creators and bohemians due to exorbitant bills and rates. Locals and visitors equally may relish “artsy,” the “bohemian,” and the “shabby chic” of Amsterdam neighborhoods of Berlin or the so-called “ruin bars” in Budapest’s artistic sector during the initial phases of “neo-bohemian” growth (Smith et al., 2017). Artists appear to appreciate the enhanced position granted to them within the legislative realm, at minimum until it is evident that they are reluctant to participate inside the final gains, getting consistently undervalued and eventually valued out of the settings they establish.” (Lloyd 2017). As a result, the exact elements that first drew visitors will likely be lost in the future.
It has not been devoid of social repercussions when tourists go into residential neighborhoods searching for “genuine” unique attractions. Commodifying, gentrifying, and several writers have discussed rising prices. As a culture mediator, tourism helps to generate and disseminate new ideas and pictures (Guinand and Gravari-Barbas, 2017; Novy and Colomb, 2016). It is not uncommon for travelers to be on the lookout for the unusual and original all at once. Nevertheless, tourism inherently tends to erode or commodify the same traits that initially drew visitors in the initial instance. According to Pinkster and Boterman (2017), Amsterdam promotes an impression of friendliness and openness that has nothing to do with the fact; therefore, visitors are eating phony or produced genuineness.
Even more so, the proliferation of home-sharing solutions such as Airbnb has contributed to this problem. (Dirksmeier and Helbrecht 2015). The effects of Airbnb in the Icelandic capital Reykjavik, according to Mermet (2017), are strikingly comparable to those of gentrification. According to Wachsmuth and Weisler (2018), Airbnb-accelerated gentrification has resulted in a decline in accommodation and exacerbates urban inequities in numerous places. This trend is becoming more evident in Budapest, despite the lack of study-based data to support it. Pinkster and Boterman (2017) have recorded the rising dissatisfaction of Amsterdam residents with the city’s crowding, loudness, drunkenness, and beer-biking.
Overcrowding in public areas (Garca–Hernández et al., 2017), nighttime noises and trash ( Helbrecht and Sommer, 2017), inappropriate behavior (Pinkster and Boterman, 2017; Rouleau, 2016), and disruption of neighborhood life are some of the other adverse effects of public transportation (Jacquot and Gravari-Barbas, 2017). Additionally, Boterman and Pinkster (2017) point out that temporality may contribute when elderly inhabitants’ lives and life paces grow out of harmony with youthful people’s routines. However, even in locations where Airbnb has allowed people to remain in gentrifying neighborhoods, inhabitants have still had to alter their everyday routines and avoid key tourist attractions. Many people in places such as Venice have either left or questioned the idea of Venice turning into none living area (Vianello, 2017).
How Over-tourism Decreases the Quality of Life of the Resident
Mendes, Barata-Salgueiro, and Guimaraes (2017) argue that “touristification” and gentrification cannot be separated. For instance, gentrification in the Raval district of Barcelona may have the unavoidable “by-product” of increasing the attractiveness of a neighborhood to tourists. Due to shifting tourist flow characteristics, it is not easy to understand the dynamics of tourist industry gentrification (Gravari-Barbas and Guinand, 2017). It is impossible to prove direct ties involving tourism and several variables that contribute to gentrification, even if the writers of the research acknowledge the relevance of arguments on this topic. Initial gentrification might support tourism, whereas later gentrification may vehemently reject it. This connection is sophisticated and not close to solid. Gentrifiers from the traditional mid-level individuals in Amsterdam, for instance, have lately begun to protest the gentrification induced by growing tourists.
According to Boterman and Pinkster (2017), residents who relocated to the region if nobody wished to stay there resent their role in shaping the region’s feeling of belonging and attractiveness and feel the effects of over-tourism. Since visitors “present” the region differently from the initial urban gentrifiers, the visitor extravaganza disturbs the everyday flow of the neighborhood. They observe that while the locals accommodate visitors accessing and relishing their area, the real-life is received fairly badly by the outsiders themselves. Their experiences imply that current modifications of Amsterdam’s town center reflect worldwide pressures, supported by the regional authorities, rather than regional power relationships among less wealthy and upper-mid-class groups. It has been hastened by neo-liberalization of business and residential property markets and the selling of government facilities to investment companies, fancy hotel networks, and foreign retail shops.” Surprisingly, there is no reference to tourism in this remark, even though overtourism is today identified as among the key concerns with urban living standards in Amsterdam. An alternative perspective is presented, emphasizing the detrimental effects of neoliberal urban goals and municipal governance on the lives of city dwellers.
The disturbance of urban life or a decline in the life quality of residents may be indirectly or directly linked to tourism, and instances abound. Like Venice, where tourism has displaced residents, tourism can dislodge whole communities (Vianello, 2017). The real estate bubble and rising costs are two more hot-button issues tied to the tourism industry. Since its inception, companies like Airbnb and others like it have contributed to a real estate crisis while driving up prices and deterring new residents from moving to a certain location Neighbourhood alterations similar to those seen in gentrification may be caused by the “Airbnb phenomenon,” according to Mermet. After a reform in the legislation and increased tourist activity in Lisbon in 2012, people were more readily removed from their houses (Barata-Salgueiro et al., 2017).
The circumstances of city areas that host “mega-events” and then utilize the reputation, such as Lisbon, might serve as an accelerator for city gentrification (Malet Calvo, Nofre, and Geraldes, 2017). With its exorbitant expenses, social dislocation, and failed legacy pledges, the Olympics is an ideal illustration of this (Boykoff, 2017; Lenskyj, 2017). For example, Giulianotti et al. (2015) note that despite London 2012 being among the quite effective Olympics, another the significant public disapproval was toward what they termed “festival corporatism,” which includes the commemoration of financial backers, the privatization of urban spaces via government spending, and a dearth of perks for the city’s most disadvantaged inhabitants.” This paper, on the other hand, barely touched tourism.
According to recent headlines, tourism has been used as a blame to deflect attention away from urban woes. According to certain writers, tourists have been held responsible for gentrification, increased housing prices, loudness, filth, and packed bars (Dirksmeier and Helbrecht, 2015; Michel and Füller, 2014). Overcrowding exacerbates traffic issues in Salzburg; according to Koens et al. (2018), the issue is not perceived as being created by tourists; rather, it just accentuates already ongoing issues. “Touristification is, at least to some degree, the visible impact of other, deeper difficulties,” write the researchers (Koens et al., 2018). According to Colomb and Novy (2017), numerous local demonstrations are not about tourism. It is impossible to tell the difference between disturbances caused by tourists and those caused by city dwellers in many cases.
When discussing the NTE, or nocturnal economy, this is very relevant. The NTE will become the centerpiece of the final section of this paper. We contend that inhabitants’ dissatisfaction is amplified once they are awakened at all-night hours by what they believe to be tourist activities and behaviors. Nevertheless, in the sense of the NTE in Berlin, Sommer and Helbrecht (2017) describe how the tourist industry became the facilitator instead of the reason for dissatisfaction. Despite the reason, Novy (2017) contends that those in charge of the capital’s tourist growth and oversight and the NTE should shoulder more of the blame. Instead of being “anti-tourism” (Rouleau, 2016), these policies must encourage more environmentally friendly, socially responsible travel. Suppose a city is experiencing overcrowding due to excessive tourism. In that case, it may benefit from a re-branding centered on “identification,” “history,” “culture,” and “resilience,” according to the work of Séraphin et al. (2019). Overtourism studies, meanwhile, emphasize the necessity of regulation and political leadership. However, there is no clarity on how policy change frameworks may be implemented in reality, according to a study by Koens et al. (2018).
Impact of Tourism and Night-time Economy
It is reasonable to suggest that most of the issues ascribed to overtourism result from visitor behavior than a lack of tourists. It is challenging to determine a location’s maximum capacity or forecast whenever the proportion of visitors to the native population could become intolerable. Having a high density of visitors and a congested atmosphere might make people feel like too many tourists in their neighborhood. Residents’ impressions of visitors could be influenced by their actions. In fact, “Prevalence of guest effect owing to improper conduct” is included in Koens et al. (2018) .’s classification of overtourism concerns. In the nocturnal industry (NTE), this is especially true. Several studies have proven the NTE’s influence on the touristifying of cities. Many of Europe’s post-industrial towns have been regenerated by urban nightlife during the last generation, according to Malet Calvo et al. (2017). Even in the United States, nightlife-linked urban growth has a lengthy past.
When it comes to the gentrification process, Ocejo (2015) explains how areas of New York went from abandoned, destitute communities to inexpensive rentals to sought-after locations for rich urban people. Disputes and demonstrations are prevalent, particularly among many native residents who came prior to actually gentrification and loved the heritage variety and partying in derelict houses, according to Ocejo (2015), notwithstanding the claims of restaurant owners. They have a sense of “symbolic possession” over these establishments and are intensely conscious that socio-cultural environments and locations, together with personas, might vanish at any time. As a result, the life quality for the neighborhood’s inhabitants was harmed, and the non-accommodated and small-income foreigners were ignored as a result of the redevelopment’s impact on these factors. Budapest’s “ruin pubs” in a creative and arts industries-focused district, which were originally appreciated mainly by area citizens and have since transformed into a gentrifying tourist area with a progressively disrupting and costly nightlife style, probably taking a similar sequence, as shown in our research study that is partially recorded in Smith et al. (2017).
Even if cultural functions, concerts, and commerce may all be included in the NTE, the phrase is most typically used about intoxication. Individuals who had expected multi-sector nightlife as part of urban revitalization have been let down (Shaw, 2014). In Uk, for instance, seeks to create a more open, cultural, or artistic night economy have mostly faltered. Whereas the 2012 Purple Flags project has contributed to improving the effectiveness and quality of the NTE, British urban areas have mostly failed in their efforts to build a European-like café culture rather than a pub-controlled one. “Alcohol-focus,” “popular” nightlife, with its “homogenized drinking habits,” has long been seen as the product of Britain’s neoliberalism shift from working-group, sub-cultural clubs. “A purposeful production of neoliberalism modalities of administration instead of a natural evolution,” says Haydock (2014) of the late-night economy.
As a component of the capital’s rehabilitation and tourist growth, legislators in Barcelona first emphasized the town’s bustling nightlife. Catalans refer to this “trash tourism” as Turismo basura, which encompasses anti-social behavior, tourist intrusion on neighborhoods, nocturnal noises, and Airbnb-induced gentrification (Rouleau, 2017). “Barcelona’s present tourism dilemma is closely tied to its nocturnal culture settings,” says Rouleau (2017). “Bland actions,” “inexpensive amusement,” and “improper attire” of vacationers in Amsterdam are also mentioned by Pinkster and Boterman (2017), while Michel and Füller (2014) claim that “Late night partying masses in housing areas” are among the primary causes of misunderstanding with inhabitants in Berlin. Budapest, Berlin, Lisbon, and Prague are just some of the locations where partying and alcohol travel are commonplace, according to Pixová, Sládek, and Novy, among others. Many European towns are becoming synonymous with “hen and stag” celebrations. According to Pinkster and Boterman (2017), the region does not matter much to the majority of these travelers.
Tourists’ nightly loudness and disruption of neighborhood lives have sparked locals’ concerns and Paris’s new laws, where a few demonstrations have happened. We believe that the city’s nightlife is among the key factors contributing to citizens’ unfavorable sentiments toward tourists. As a result, it skews people’s perspective of the tourist industry and creates the appearance of “overtourism,” when it is centered in time and space. In Budapest, this is the case.
Budapest as a Case Study
As a tourist hotspot from 1990 to 2010, the branding of Hungary, along with Budapest, concentrated on promoting the region’s iconic figures, such as its historic landmarks and steam rooms, to foreign visitors. Because of its growing popularity as a partying destination, particularly for “hen” and “stag” parties, Budapest has grown in popularity since 2004 Hungary’s addition to European Union. There has been an increase in the number of youthful tourists visiting Budapest’s previous Jewish slum, which holds many appealing, if derelict, historical architectural structures, thanks to many low-cost aviation trails and the massive expansion of unrestricted Airbnb housing variety in the city center. Alcohol costs in nations such as Poland and Hungary were often included in certain cheap airlines’ promotion efforts inside the middle 2000s. The result was an influx of British visitors who arrived to partake in a wild night of drinking and revelry (TOB, 2006).
The town’s so-called “ruin pubs,” situated mostly in District VII, are a major draw. Popup pubs, frequently in derelict houses or grounds, are outfitted in a colorful, bohemian style and serve various drinks. Due to its active night lifestyle, it has been ranked among the top Fifteen partying places worldwide by global polls and tourism webpages. Similar to the situation described by Campo and Ryan (2008), the “ruin pub” area in Budapest has begun to emerge with minimum preparation, architecture, government intervention, or legislation as an entertainment location featuring tiny, individually operated enterprises in old structures. Since there is no oversight, the locations have thrived. However, a paradox exists since the region eventually becomes a trouble spot that must be confined or managed by law enforcement agencies and municipal organizers, limiting further development or expansion.
There are twenty-three distinct districts in Budapest, each with its unique blend of financial, interpersonal, and historical traits. Budapest’s Municipality and these districts share the town’s authority. When it comes to allocating tasks and assets, this unexpected institutional framework can cause friction and political unrest conflicts. When it comes to the latest Hungarian political affairs, the administration has since 2010 formed an “illiberal democracy.” As a result, laws are often altered unpredictably to suit the needs of specific financial and political groups instead of the category goal of Neoliberal economics. The resistance is feeble in this “super-majority” system, and the agendas of business people and government leaders are frequently intertwined. Due to a major rise in tourism and the commercialization of accommodation, gentrification intensified significantly in 2014, and home values in Budapest’s urban core rose by forty percent by 2016 (FHB, 2016). December 2018 saw an uptick in citizen opposition to government choices and demonstrations.
Resident Resistance to Over-tourism
This section contains information from previous separate study approaches. One is Sentient, a media platforms analysis tool utilized to examine Facebook pages associated with the Olympics, the Central Garden (Liget) redevelopment, and the District VII partying scene. Social site evaluation software Sentione may do so-called “sentiment analytics .”Since its 2011 Poland inception, it has become a language-analysis tool capable of finding and analyzing any online text material. However, Mladenovi, Confente, Brunetti, and Kucharska (2018) illustrate the value of evaluating views, emphasizing a fundamental drawback in the personal choice of terms that impact the findings. As a result, there is a certain prejudice in selecting social media platforms for analysis.
Disgruntled citizens and advocates, for instance, may express their grievances on the report’s designated Facebook pages because of their intended audience. As a result, locations of the opposition were chosen to analyze the extent to which tourism functions as a detrimental factor in these discussions. The Olympics proposal information was analyzed from the final three months of 2016 and the first three months of 2017. These were the periods when the gathering of anti-Olympics petitions occurred, and an administration vote would also be required. An NGO named Liget védk, or Guardians of the Park, was analyzed for the Public Park program’s Facebook account. Other goals comprised providing a forum for inhabitants to voice their opinions concerning the Liget initiative, keeping them updated on the latest progress, and advocating on their behalf and the ecosystems.
When it came to the night industry, we used a questionnaire that we circulated among the locals and foreign and local visitors to District 7. District seven was surveyed during the last two months of September and 2017. Both English and Hungarian versions of the questionnaire were used in the study, which was conducted utilizing sampling techniques according to the current 2011 census data and irregular selection for outside participants. There was no more recent data available during the period, so we could not use it. There were 574 Hungarian-language questions, 283 native inhabitants and 291 from guests to the district, and 368 legitimate tourist surveys. The enumeration found that 11 percent of District residents were between the ages of eighteen and twenty-three, 56 percent were in the working-age range of 24 to 60, and 33 percent were retirees over 60 years old.
Local people provided a total of 283 correct responses. Those under forty-five were surveyed primarily between 10:00 pm and 12:00 am in District seven’s nightclubs and pubs. At the same time, the views of seniors were solicited by handing out questionnaires to them during their dawn purchasing (example, in marketplaces), lunch hour (for adult professionals), and playtime (for parents with kids) routines. Older people (those 60 and above) had a much lower percentage of the data than younger people (18–60 years old). Another contributor has been doing continuing action study and direct observations in District seven from 2006, in conjunction with the surveys. Participation in neighborhood discussions and conversations with municipal authorities, business people, local leaders, citizens, and the Nighttime Mayor personally are included here.
Conclusion
In their study, urban research typically overlooks the importance of native citizens, whose daily routines are tangled up with city growth. This work aims to fill this disparity (Dowthwaite, Taylor, Jones, and Hollows, 2014). It has made an effort to demonstrate the role played by tourism in native inhabitant opposition narratives. A “scapegoat” was never needed in these discussions. People have made it obvious that they are worried about a wide range of other concerns, the consequences of which tourism has probably been marginalized. A general sense that residents are being ignored in the seemingly relentless city change activities involves government corruption, increasing property value, and ecological concerns such as the disappearance of recreational and natural places. NTE-preoccupied portions of the city appear to suffer from congestion and improper visitor (and, maybe, inhabitant) behavior comparable to other major towns.
Overtourism cannot be adequately addressed by concentrating on tourism exclusively, as Koens et al. (2018) noted. The present inhabitant’s demonstrations could or could not get heard in the coming weeks and months. However, legislative measures are needed that consider the capital’s larger use and operations, which appear to be pressing on despite the existing populace protests. East European cities under repressive democratic regimes appear to do no differently than Western cities in neoliberal regimes. Although urban development trends appear to adopt an inexorable course that reduces inhabitants’ sense of life quality, this is true regardless of if tourism is supported in their area.
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