Bell, Myrtle P., et al. “Making Black Lives Matter in academia: a black feminist call for collective action against anti‐blackness in the academy.” Gender, Work & Organization 28 (2021): 39-57.
This article, like many others written by Black women academics before it, advocates for a concerted effort to combat institutionalized racism and White supremacy. Bell (47) analyzed the long history of Black women academics’ attempts to confront anti-black racism through the lens of black feminist theory. In addition, we bring the current movement, Black Lives Matter, to you. The relationship between anti-black violence and academic achievement is noteworthy, but it is also crucial in the battle against anti-blackness inside the academy, where anti-blackness is more likely to manifest itself in the form of derision, disdain, and disgust towards Black staff and students. Non-Black friends, we feel, have a key role to play in the fight against anti-blackness and liberal White supremacy, both of which are on the rise. Anti-Blackness and White supremacy are similar to secondhand smoke in that they have a negative impact on those who are in close proximity to them.
A collective movement is required to demolish these ideologies. Many people believe that the zero tolerance discourse began in the school environment, but this is not the case, according to research. One analysis produced by the Advancement Project revealed that one of the very first instances of zero tolerance wording in school punishment manuals was a copy-and-paste job taken from a U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration guideline. Students of color are suspended at a rate that is four times greater than that of white students throughout the country, while Black girls are suspended at a rate six times higher than that of white girls. When compared to the overall student population, Black females account for almost one-third of all referrals to law enforcement and more than one-third of all female school-based arrests, although making up just 16 percent of the female student population.
Loyd, Jenna M., and Anne Bonds. “Where do Black lives matter? Race, stigma, and place in Milwaukee, Wisconsin.” The Sociological Review 66.4 (2018): 898-918.
Using the zip code 53206 as a metaphor, this paper explores the link between the waning trust in the police and the political pledges to care about the plight of African-Americans. The book focuses on how liberal and conservative rhetoric about 53206 conceals the roles that decades of deindustrialization and labor acts of violence, metropolitan racial and wealth segregation, public school and welfare restructuring, as well as deindustrialization and labor assaults, play in producing racial inequality in the context of growing racialized poverty, ongoing police violence protests, and rising violent crime rates. Criminology, urban poverty, and racialization of space are all examined in the context of the study’s scope. According to them, political officials’ rhetoric about saving Black lives and the discursive creation of 53206 have had the opposite effect, strengthening police authority while further deteriorating already-decrepit areas like Milwaukee’s Northside.
Elias, Amanuel, et al. “Racism and nationalism during and beyond the COVID-19 pandemic.” Ethnic and Racial Studies 44.5 (2021): 783-793.
In a tweet on March 20, 2020, then-President Donald Trump referred to the coronavirus as the “Chinese Virus,” claiming that the term was “not discriminatory in the least.” This is due to the fact that it originates in China. It is a product of China. It was slammed as xenophobic and racially unpleasant by critics. It was also suggested that it may put Chinese and Asians in risk. These underprivileged populations, such as Chinese and Asians, were disproportionately harmed by the racist and discriminatory reaction to COVID-19, which took place all around the globe. It has long been the case that contagious illnesses are associated with “othering.” This association was re-established during the COVID-19 epidemic, when the White House utilized racist rhetoric to associate the virus with Chinese people. It was pointed out by White (2020) that “verbal and physical assaults on persons of Asian origin, as well as descriptions of the sickness as the Chinese virus, are all tied in this historical tradition of equating epidemic disease danger and commerce with the migration of Asian people”. People of Asian ancestry were targeted by the COVID-19 virus, which sparked a political kind of ethno-cultural prejudice. It has been difficult to find material on how COVID-19 has been used to perpetuate racial stereotypes and anti-Chinese bigotry.
Mosley, Della V., et al. “Critical consciousness of anti-Black racism: A practical model to prevent and resist racial trauma.” Journal of Counseling Psychology 68.1 (2021): 1.
It has long been known that racism may lead to negative outcomes, such as racial trauma. The harmful effects of racial trauma on Black people need the development of treatments that foster resilience to anti-Black racism and prevent its occurrence. Critical awareness is typically considered as a prerequisite for resistance and freedom. Black Lives Matter activists were interviewed in order to better understand how individuals transition from being aware of anti-Black racism to taking action to prevent and battle racial trauma. Constructivist grounded theory, critical-ideological lenses, as well as Black feminist-womanist lenses, were used to co-create a model of Critical Consciousness of Anti-Black Racism As part of CCABR’s three phases, anti-Black racism may be seen, processed, and critically reacted to through observing and analyzing it. Here, the model’s many categories and subcategories are discussed in detail and backed up with reference. For Black people and psychologists who work with them, this study’s findings and discussion provide context-rich and practical approaches for avoiding and rejecting racism. An explanation for the link between critical thinking, critical action, and critical thinking is provided by criminological consciousness theory. It is argued by theorists that critical reflection on structural oppression may lead to a conviction in one’s own ability to influence change (critical agency), which can then lead to socially conscious activities to correct oppressive power structures (critical action). Students may evaluate the social and political conditions that exist in their society, especially those that may restrict civic participation, educational opportunities, and economic progress for themselves and their classmates, by critically reflecting on the conditions they face. Adolescents may take part in political and civic activities that change their communities by gaining a critical understanding of sociopolitical reality. In the same way, a reciprocal relationship may be made between those who engage in critical action and those who reflect on their actions.