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Was the Cuban Missile Crisis JFK’s Finest Hour or a Product of His Foreign Policy Failures?

The Cuban Missile Crisis was not completely JFK’s best hour, yet a product of its foreign coverage failures. It represents a pivotal moment in history, with President Kennedy’s competent handling of the immediate crisis yet tempered by foreign policy deficiencies. This epoch-making event was rooted in the mishandling of Cuban affairs, especially the ridiculous Bay of Pigs operation, misreading Soviet policy intentions, passivity amid an expanding arms race, and failure to build effective diplomatic channels. It operates as the coldest of realities on the perils inherent in geopolitical power plays and nuclear threat, at once testifying to Kennedy’s glove-handed grace under pressure yet also pointing up internal flaws running through all approaches to foreign policy.

Mismanagement of Cuban Affairs

It was the mismanagement of Cuban affairs that eventually brought JFK to this important turning point, which we now call the Cuban Missile Crisis. The lack of a clear, comprehensive strategy towards Cuba on the part of Kennedy’s administration ended up allowing tensions between nations to run rampant, leaving room for strategic maneuvers by The Soviet Union. One aspect of this mismanagement was the inability to develop a consistent and effective Cuba policy after 1961’s Bay. [1]The Bay of Pigs invasion, in which the U.S. government-backed an attempt to overthrow Fidel Castro’s regime, turned into a debacle ending with defeat and humiliation for America. [2]It was a disaster that strengthened Castro’s position and increased Cuba’s dependence on the Soviet Union for support and protection.

Also, Kennedy’s administration never formulated a consistent long-term policy toward Cuba. There was much uncertainty and confusion in U.S. policy toward Cuba, switching back and forth between covert operations–such as the so-called “success” of Operation 40, which he cites at one point to demonstrate how eventual success can be elusive even with perfect planning), economic sanctions against Castro’s government, or diplomatic isolation on a scale. The absence of an overall strategy created a vacuum, which the Soviets filled by upping their presence in Cuba itself until they finally placed nuclear missiles on its land.

Another important issue changed into the Soviet Union’s misjudgment of Cuba’s values. The U.S., nevertheless, underestimated the significance of Cuba to the Soviets as a strategic asset. To the Soviet Union, Cuba had seemed like a possible beachhead from which to counterbalance U.S. strength inside the Western Hemisphere. However, the Kennedy management no longer comprehended how deep this Soviet-Cuban relationship became and miscalculated that Russia might no longer go to such amazing lengths as it ultimately has to protect its Cuban ally. [3]This failure to set up good channels of diplomacy with Cuba and the Soviet Union further raised tensions. Because, at that time, there was no direct communication between Washington and Moscow, the danger of misunderstandings and miscalculations grew. The crisis narrowly averted nuclear war during the Cuban Missile Crisis testified to this fact.

The poorly handled Cuban affairs of Kennedy’s administration created an atmosphere of uncertainty and strategic mistakes regarding diplomacy. The weaknesses exposed by these shortcomings laid the groundwork for Soviet actions in Cuba. Ultimately, the Soviet Union took advantage of these inadequacies by entering Cuba outright, which initiated the infamous Cuban Missile Crisis, while also uncovering America’s shortcomings in foreign policies when it comes to managing connections with both Cuba as well as interactions between Soviets within the Western Hemisphere region.

Failure of the Bay of Pigs Invasion:

The invasion of the Bay of Pigs changed into a crucial event in U.S. Overseas policy under President John F. Kennedy’s administration. It turned into an undercover operation released in April 1961, the goal being to overthrow Fidel Castro’s government of Cuba. When this invasion failed, it not only significantly harmed the U.S.’s credibility but laid a basis for heightened tensions that eventually brought about the Cuban Missile Crisis several years later.[4]The inadequate planning and executions of the CIA and the Kennedy administration were one important factor that led to the failure of the invasion. The plan was flawed from the start. The U.S. government miscalculated Castro’s popular appeal and the Cuban people’s attachment to their leader. At the time of their invasion, expectations that there would be a popular insurrection against Castro were misplaced.

The invasion also relied on a small force of poorly trained and under-armed Cuban exiles.[5] However, the plan did not have enough air cover and underestimated Cuban military strength. At the beginning of its invasion on April 17, 1961, it met with disaster. Within a few days, the invading force was overpowered by Cuban armed forces, suffering an utterly disastrous defeat. The defeat of the Bay of Pigs invasion became a watershed. Secondly, it humiliated America on a worldwide level. The debacle of the overthrow attempt towards Castro was regarded as a terrific blow to U.S. foreign policy and its photo as an international power.

Nuclear Confrontation Risk

The Cuban Missile Crisis in October of 1962 exemplified how dangerous a nuclear disagreement can be at its maximum intensity between the U.S. and Soviet Union throughout their extended period of Cold War. Upon uncovering Soviet ballistic missiles located in Cuba, Kennedy implemented a naval blockade that multiplied tensions, bringing us to an unsettlingly proximate factor toward potential nuclear warfare. [6]This instance of a war scare was the very definition of Mutual Assured Destruction (MAD), in which both superpowers had enough nuclear weapons at their disposal to destroy each other and made confrontation between them so dangerously fragile as to be something nations could not bear.

The rivalry between geopolitical powers peaked as Soviet missiles existed in Cuba. Because there were no direct communication channels between the U.S. and the Soviets, misunderstandings or misinterpretations of one’s intentions intensified all the more. The U.S. Strategic Air Command and the Soviet military were prepared for a possible nuclear war, with both sides on high alert from 25 April to 1 May alone. The essence of the inherent danger lay in that, at any moment, a nuclear holocaust could have occurred.

However intense negotiations and diplomatic maneuvering between Kennedy and Khrushchev finally found a peaceful resolution to the crisis. [7]The crisis showed how important adequate communications are and the dangers of letting lightly kept dams burst. It also pointed up just how crucial it is to stress the indispensability of diplomatic means–diplomacy alone could help bring about a rational end to nuclear blackmail games like this one. The Cuban Missile Crisis was a grim warning of the apocalyptic consequences that would ensue in case of global nuclear arms contest, one more reason why we should always try our best to prevent such situations from arising again.

Escalation of Arms Race

JFK’s escalation of the arms race itself was another factor tensing up relations. While Kennedy’s administration inherited and expanded upon a trajectory of aggressive nuclear policies, the Arms Race between the U.S. And Soviet Union intensified further as well. These hawkish actions, in turn, led to Soviet action and were a major factor influencing what ensued. The already tense relationship between the two superpowers was further aggravated by Kennedy’s choice to increase American nuclear arms and missile capabilities. A key part of this build-up was the stationing of American Jupiter missiles in Turkey and Italy, adjacent to the Soviet Union. These missiles were nuclear-capable and inside the range of crucial Soviet cities. This move became visible by using the Soviets as a direct risk to their security.

Soviet best Nikita Khrushchev feared that the American missiles might want to attack and ruin them before they had an opportunity to retaliate. He coveted an advantage in these new weapons while also wanting Americans or other people outside the U.S., Britain, and France who were sympathetic to Moscow-backed movements of national liberation around the world to understand how strong he was. It was the crucial context for understanding the later installation of missiles in Cuba. Khrushchev felt that by installing nuclear missiles in Cuba, the balance of power could be redressed.[8]. Because of the geographic closeness between Cuba and the U.S. mainland, these missiles could reach most major cities in America, just as Soviet cities were at grave risk from the U.S. machine situated in Turkey and Italy during that period.

Bibliography

Hershberg, J. (2019). The Cuban Missile Crisis, 1962: Anatomy of a Controversy. Gwu.edu. https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/nsa/cuba_mis_cri/moment.htm

Kennedy, J. F. (2020). Letter From President Kennedy to Chairman Khrushchev, October 22, 1962 – Cuban Missile Crisis – John F. Kennedy Presidential Library & Museum. Jfklibrary.org. https://microsites.jfklibrary.org/cmc/oct22/doc4.html

Munton, D., & Welch, D. A. (2012). The Cuban Missile Crisis: A concise history.

[1] Munton, D., & Welch, D. A. (2012). The Cuban Missile Crisis: A concise history. Page 90

[2] Hershberg, J. (2019). The Cuban Missile Crisis, 1962: Anatomy of a Controversy. Gwu.edu.

[3] Munton, D., & Welch, D. A. (2012). The Cuban Missile Crisis: A concise history. Page 34

[4] Kennedy, J. F. (2020). Letter From President Kennedy to Chairman Khrushchev, October 22, 1962 – Cuban Missile Crisis – John F. Kennedy Presidential Library & Museum. Jfklibrary.org.

[5] Munton, D., & Welch, D. A. (2012). The Cuban Missile Crisis: A concise history. Page 72

[6] Munton, D., & Welch, D. A. (2012). The Cuban Missile Crisis: A concise history. Page 42

[7] Munton, D., & Welch, D. A. (2012). The Cuban Missile Crisis: A concise history. Page 78

[8] Munton, D., & Welch, D. A. (2012). The Cuban Missile Crisis: A concise history. Page 38

 

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